Regional Studies

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2003- السياسة الإسرائيلية تجاه العراق: 1991
(Al-Quds University, 2009-02-02) ختام حسين جمعة أبو عجوة; Khitam Hussein Jumah Abu Ajwa
بتناول هذا البحث السياسة الإسرائيلية تجاه العراق: 1991-2003م، ويستعرض البحث تاريخ تطور السياسة الإسرائيلية تجاه العراق في الفترة من 1948-1958م، وخلال هذه الفترة اهتمت إسرائيل بكردستان العراق، لما لها من أهمية إستراتيجية لها وخصوصاً منطقة كركوك ووجود النفط فيه ما، لذا فقد ركز الموساد على إقامة العلاقات السرية مع أكراد العراق في الشمال بحجة الدفاع عن حقوقهم. كما شهدت هذه الفترة نشاطاً واسعاً لتهجير يهود العراق إلى فلسطين واستخدمت في ذلك كل الأساليب والوسائل بما فيها الإرهاب وذلك فيما عرف بعملية عيزرا ونحميا" والتي تم خلالها تهجير 95% من الطائفة اليهودية بالعراق في الفترة ما بين 1950- 1951م.إلى جانب ذلك استعرض البحث تاريخ تطور السياسة الإسرائيلية تجاه العراق في الفترة من 1958 1990م، حيث شهدت هذه الفترة أحداث ثورة 14 تموز / يوليو 1958م التي أحدثت انقلابا حقيقياً في موازيين القوى في الشرق العربي والمناطق المجاورة له، وكانت عناوين هذا الانة لاب السحاب العراق من حلف بغداد، وإعلانه سياسة الحياد الإيجابي وتوثيق روابط به وعلاقات به بالاتحاد السوفيتي، لذا سعت القوى الأجنبية إلى استثمار الورقة الكردية بهدف استنزاف الثورة والضغط عليها والسعي لتحويل مسارها ، وقد أنشأت منظمة ما تسمى بـ - ترايدنت بنشاطها السري وضمت تركيا وإيران وإسرائيل، وكان لها هدف واحد مشترك يجمع إيران وإسرائيل ومصطفي البرزاني هو إنهاك الجيش العراقي والبلاد لإبعادهما عن أية حروب عربية - إسرائيلية، ولإضعاف العراق أمام إيران من أجل الحصول على مطالب إقليمية في شط العرب، وبالنسبة للأكراد فمن أجل الحصول على الدعم الخارجي وتوفير إمكانات مواجهة الحكومة العراقية، وعليه فقد استطاعت إسرائيل الدخول إلى شمال العراق عبر إيران وأصبح هاجسها إدامة التمرد، ودعم البرزاني بكل الوسائل المتاحة لإشغال أكبر عدد ممكن من وحدات الجيش العراقي في النزاع الداخلي وإنهاكها وتدمير قدرات العراق العسكرية والاقتصادية والبشرية، وإبعاد العراق عن المساهمة بدوره في أية حروب عربية إسرائيلية قد تنشب وعلى صعيد آخر قامت إسرائيل بزرع شبكات تجمد من داخل مجموعات العلماء العراقيين استهدفت قتل العلماء الألمان والمصريين عبر الطرود الناسفة منذ عام1962م لمحاولة عرقلة امتلاك العراق لتكنولوجيا الذرة. وفي هذه الفترة بدأت الاتصالات بين قادة أكراد العراق وإسرائيل على مستوى رفيع منذ عام 1962م أثناء مؤتمر "الاشتراكية الدولية في جنيف، حيث التقي عدد من الزعماء الأكراد مع 14 شمعون بيريز (مدير عام وزارة الدفاع الإسرائيلية آنذاك، وعضو الاشتراكية الدولية وأعربوا عن رغبتهم في الاستعانة بإسرائيل في حربهم ضد العراق، حيث أن ام جه از الاستخبارات الإسرائيلي (الموساد) قاعدة وسط مواقع المسلحين الأكراد شمال العراق وتسلل عدد من ضباط الجيش الإسرائيلي في كردستان العراق. وقد ازداد الدعم الإسرائيلي للبرزاني في تلك الفترة بصورة أخافت القادة العراقيين بشكل جدي، الأمر الذي دفع وزير الدفاع العراقي عبد العزيز العقيلي أنذاك للقول: إن الشرق والغرب يقومان بمساعدة المتمردين الأكراد على خلق إسرائيل أخرى في شمال العراق، كما تعاونوا على إقامة إسرائيل عام 1948م إلى جانب ذلك تناول البحث دور المؤسسات الرسمية في إسرائيل في صنع السياسة تجاه العراق وكيف أن هذه المؤسسات دفعت باتجاه تحقيق أهداف الاستراتيجية الإسرائيلية والتي ركزت بشكل مباشر أو غير مباشر على ضرورة توجيه ضربة قاضية للعراق بهدف إضعافه تمهيداً لتحقيق الأهداف الإسرائيلية الإقليمية في المنطقة، فضلا عن دور المؤثرات الداخلية وأيضا المؤثرات الخارجية المتعلقة بطبيعة التحولات في بيئة النظام الدولي منذ مطلع التسعينات من القرن العشرين.كما تم استعراض أبرز الأدوات الإسرائيلية المستخدمة (وسائل) ، وأوضح البحث كيف أن إسرائيل تمكنت إلى حد كبير من تحقيق هذه الأهداف، وذلك نظراً لحرص الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية على أمن وسلامة إسرائيل في المنطقة، خاصة بعد تفردها في صياغة هيكل النظام الدولي بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة.هذا وقد تطرق البحث بالرصد والتحليل لتداعيات هذه السياسة على الصعيد الداخلي العراقي والأمن القومي العربي، ومدى تعرض العراق للاختراق الأمني نتيجة تراجع قوة الدولة العراقية اقتصادياً نتيجة الحصار الدولي عليها بعد حرب الخليج الثانية عام 1991م، إلى جانب تراجع قوة العراق عسكرياً نتيجة تعرضه للضربات العسكرية المتتالية من قوات التحالف الدولي بعد حرب الخليج الثانية والدور الذي لعبته إسرائيل في حرب الخليج الثالثة في عام 2003م ولازالت تلعبه على الساحة العراقية، حيث تداخلت الخطط الإسرائيلية مع الاستراتيجية الأمريكية من مرحلة التحيز الإسرائيلي إلى مرحلة التطابق في الأفكار الخاصة بالمنطقة كلها وتغيرها من الداخل بدءاً من خطة. الضربة العسكرية للعراق.لذا نجد أن غزو الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا للعراق واحتلاله عام 2003م، خدم إسرائيل بدرجة لم تحلم بها من قبل، حيث سهل لها تنفيذ مخططاتها الإستراتيجية بعيدة المدى في المنطقة على جميع الأصعدة والمستويات This research deals with reviews the development of Israeli policy towards Iraq in the period 1948-1958. during this period, Israel put in to consideration the importance of "Kordestan Al-Iraq" , because of its important strategic position and the presence of oil in Karkook area. the Mossad " the secret Israeli external hand and intellegence service" focused on the establishment of confidential relations with the Iraqi Kurds in the north of Iraq on the pretext of defending Kurdish rights. This period also witnessed efforts to attract Jews from Iraq to Palestine and use all meansincluding terrorism- in what was known as "In Ezra and Nehemiah Operation ", which aimed at and succeeded in the replacement of 95% of the Iraqi Jewish community in the newwly established Israel ( 1950 – 1951). the research then reviewed the history of the development of Israeli policy towards Iraq in the period of 1958-1990, where the events of this period witnessed a 14th of July revolution 1958, a coup which brought in a real parallel forces in the Arab Middle East and adjacent areas. Consequently, there was a withdrawal of Iraq from the Baghdad Pact, Iraq also declared a policy of "positive neutrality" and closer ties and relations with the Soviet Union. Therefore, foreign powers have sought to exploit the Kurdish affair in order to thwart Iraqi revolution . they established the so-called "Trident organization " with its secret activity involving Turkey, Iran, Israel, whish have had one common goal combines Israel , Iran and Mustafa Barzani, trying to exhaust the Iraqi army and the country, to weaken Iraq in front of Iran to gain Iran,s territorial claims in the Shatt al-Arab, and to obtain external support for the Kurds. In Order for Israel to enter to northern Iraq via Iran this has become the preoccupation and the perpetuation of the insurgency of Mustafa Barzani, , this has been attempted by all available means: to sease the largest possible number of Iraqi army units, the depletion and destruction of Iraq's military, economic and human capabilities and the removal of Iraq from contributing in turn in any Arab-Israeli wars. On the other hand, Israel has planted spy networks within the group of Iraqi scientists and succeeded in the elemination of Egyptian and German scientists since 1962 to try to obstruct Iraq's attempts at developing nuclear technology.
( 2006-2013) الاحتياجات الأمنية الإسرائيلية في الضفة الغربية بعد حرب العام 2006
(AL-Quds University, 2015-05-20) احمد محمود محمد شديد; Ahmad Mahmoud Mohammad Shadid; عماد البشتاوي; أحمد فارس عودة; محمد المصري
The West Bank is one of the issues that form the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This conflict has to do with Israel’s control of the land for both exploiting its resources and for allegedly security reasons. The study sheds light on the Israeli security strategy that aims at holding on to both land and air of the West Bank. This study aims at examining the Israeli stance vis-à-vis the final solution resulting from negotiations with Palestinians about the status of the Palestinian territories in the West Bank. Moreover, the study aims at monitoring the Israeli security trends in the light of the studies published by Israeli research centers and of the official security positions that are conveyed by the Israeli security and military establishments to the political circles. However, this will help us better understand the Israeli security-related perceptions and proposals that will be drafted in any future negotiations especially those pertaining to the final status . The problem of the study seeks defining the real Israeli intentions regarding the West Bank as the Israeli security and military establishments view it as their strategic depth. After the 2006 war, Israel started to focus on many security issues that Israel perceives highly necessary for protecting her land and population, a policy that will impede reaching a final and just peace agreement based on international legitimacy represented mainly by resolution 242 that stipulates a full Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967. The study concludes that the Israeli security establishment has the final word regarding negotiations with Palestinians and that withdrawal from the West Bank is unlikely in the foreseeable future for it will, according to the Israelis, jeopardize their security given their economic benefits they may gain should they keep their occupation of the West Bank.
Has School Desegregation Improved Equality of Educational Outcomes in the United States? The Case of Boston’s Public Schools, 2010-2019.
(Al-Quds University, 2019-10-22) Aya Anwar Hasan Alkhatib; آية انورحسن الخطيب
iii Abstract The study aimed to evaluate desegregation success or failure in the United States through examining the Boston Public School system in the last decade from 2010 to 2019. The study used three approaches: historical, quantitative, and qualitative approaches using the Boston Public Schools annual reports, NGOs, scholarly research, and government data. The results of the study are: Boston Public Schools are more segregated than forty-five years ago, school segregation is primarily a result of inherited residential segregation in disadvantaged neighborhoods for African and Latin American citizens, and structural racism is the deepest cause of the continuous educational inequality for racial minorities. The study recommends prioritizing one goal for all schools for equal education and a comprehensive development plan for all neighborhoods. Construct and locate new schools on the borders of different background neighborhoods that aim to be a center of racial interaction to reduce prejudice and stereotypes. Plan for extracurricular policies, plans, and activities that aim to integrate students with different races and backgrounds. Share awareness about the multicultural community in cultural and intellectual clubs, social media, and talk shows among students.
New trends in the American Policy Towards the Palestinian Issue (1993_2003)
(Al-Quds University, 2004-06-16) Mohammad Mukhiemer Mohammad yaghi; محمد مخيمر محمد ياغي
The Powers of the President of the United State Of America As Assigned by the Constitution and Its Basic Amendments
(Al-Quds University, 2004-01-17) Ghada Issa Shamali; غادة عيسى شمالي
The Role of the state in the Emergence of the Israeli Capitalalist class
(Al-Quds University, 2003-06-26) Adam Ahmad Hanieh; ادم احمد نمر هنية
اتجاهات الصحفيين الفلسطينيين في قطاع غزة نحو الإعلام الأمريكي
(AL-Quds University, 2007-08-13) سامي عمر نمر زياره; Sami Omer Nimer Zeyara; جهاد حمد; This study aimed at clarifying the attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward the main American mass media. To accomplish this, the research will design/specify the main attitudes scale and apply it to a sample of 200 press Individuals from both genders in the Gaza Strip. This has been done be through the research study of these attitudes. It examines the attitudes' relationship with some variables if there are any of such variables with or against the USA press. Additionally, the research will study the relationship between some independent variables such as religion, age, location, level of education, economic status, and political affiliation with the dependent variables of USA press. This study considered as a new research study for understanding essential and new subject to the Palestinian press and journalists. The results of the study showed that the level of attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward American press was less than the proposed average (70%), yet the level of knowledge to USA press was 70%. Besides, the finding results showed that there were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards the USA press by the Palestinian journalists in the Gaza Strip. This was in regard of sex, age, level of education, economic status, residency, location, work experience, nature of presswork, and English language proficiency. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to age difference. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to residency variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to level of education variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to economic variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to work experience variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to work nature variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, due to the variability of following up newspapers. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, language efficiency; محمود حسن; حسين ابو شنب
This study aimed at clarifying the attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward the main American mass media. To accomplish this, the research will design/specify the main attitudes scale and apply it to a sample of 200 press Individuals from both genders in the Gaza Strip. This has been done be through the research study of these attitudes. It examines the attitudes' relationship with some variables if there are any of such variables with or against the USA press. Additionally, the research will study the relationship between some independent variables such as religion, age, location, level of education, economic status, and political affiliation with the dependent variables of USA press. This study considered as a new research study for understanding essential and new subject to the Palestinian press and journalists. The results of the study showed that the level of attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward American press was less than the proposed average (70%), yet the level of knowledge to USA press was 70%. Besides, the finding results showed that there were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards the USA press by the Palestinian journalists in the Gaza Strip. This was in regard of sex, age, level of education, economic status, residency, location, work experience, nature of presswork, and English language proficiency. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to age difference. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to residency variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to level of education variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to economic variable
اتجاهات اللاجئين الفلسطينين في مخيمات محافظات غزة نحو حق العودة دراسة ميدانية
(Al-Quds University, 2009-02-01) زينب خليل محمد عودة; Zainab Khalil Mohammad
of the study: Attitudes of Palestinian refugees in the camps of Gaza governorates towards the Right of Return This thesis covers the attitudes of Palestinian refugees in the camps of Gaza governorates towards the right of return. The research was carried out during March 2008. It used a sample of 600 refugees from the eight camps: Jabalya, Al-Shat e, Al_Nusairat. Al Buraij, Dair Al-Balah, Al-Maghazi, Khan Yunes, and Rafah. The total of refugees ,living in these camps, is 488,504, i.e., 47% of the refugees, registered by UNRWA, their total is 1,037,092 (2007. UNRWA). The research of the population includes all individuals ,who are 18 years or older and can express their attitudes towards the right of return. In her empirical research, the researcher used UNRWA s division of the eight camps. A proportionate increase in questionnaire is given to the more crowded blocks. The research aimes are to identify the attitudes of the refugees of the Gaza camps towards the right of return and the solutions proposed after 60 years of being refugees. The thesis also seeks to identify any link between their attitudes and some dem ographic changes in these camps. The focus is given to the camps of Gaza governorates ,which are considered the largest, and the most miserable, Palestinian gatherings. The refugees form about 67.7% of the population in Gaza. The scarcity of the surveys that tackle the attitudes of the Palestinian refugees in the camps towards the right of return was a motive to conduct this research. The research uses descriptive methodology. Within it, it uses the historic approach, survey approach, comparative approach and the correlation analysis. The researcher used a questionnaire to collect answers to the questions and the hypotheses of the research. She used a random sample according to proportionate distributions system. The sample consisted of 600 individuals from the eight camps of Gaza governorates. The people chosen from each camp were equally divided between men and women. The questionnaire was divided into six parts with 50 questions in total. The answer to a question uses a scale of five choices, ranging from I strongly agree to I strongly disagree . The researcher used SPSS programme to compile the answers and test the hypotheses of the research. Many statistical processes were applied, such as Pearson correlation, Spearman correlation, Alph Kron bacH correlation, repetitions, percentages K, averages, standard deviation, and T test, in order to identify the significance of the differences between two K groups and analyzing the one way ANOVA. The main conclusions of the research include:94.3% of the people surveyed agreed that the right of return is sacred and can not be given up. About 93.3% consider that the right of return is to historic Palestine with its known borders extending from the sea to the river .Nearly 84.5% rejected having a Palestinian state in Gaza and West Bank, with Jerusalem as its capital and in return giving up the right of return. Only 8.2% accepted this proposal. Also, 7.4% accepted the proposal that the return should be to a Palestinian state established in the West Bank and Gaza. This was opposed by 85.3%. 89.4% consider that Israel is responsible for the continuity of the refugees problem, because it refuses to implement UN resolution 194. About 91.9% refused the idea of going to their original towns and getting an Israeli citizenship. Nearly 87.2% said that the years they lived in the camps did not affect their adherence to the right of return. The results showed that about 90.5% of the interviewees consider the right of return as fixed, undeniable, and cannot be forfeited with the lapse of time. About 97.0% of the interviewees expressed strong adherence to their right to return to their towns in historic Palestine, because they represent to them the land, home and identity. About 94.7% of the interviewees approved that the right of return to historic Palestine is for all Palestinian refugees and their offspring, while 82.8% of the interviewees opposed to confine the application of the right of return to the return of a few thousands refugees to their homes,and the resettlement and compensation of the remaining majority. The conclusions above led the researcher to make some recommendations which include: - The international community should consider the refugees problem as a political issue in the first place, and entails rights guarantee by international law.- The Palestinian leadership should adhere to the right of return and treat it as an inalienable, sacred right in line with attitudes of the refugees, international law, and UN resolutions which protect this right. -The refugees should be supported in their rejection of resettlement, compensation and other alternatives to the right of return. -The Palestinian leadership, UNRWA and all other bodies concerned with refugees should improve the social and economic conditions of the refugees, and support their steadfastness, instead of working on resettling them. - Much work should be done to increase the refugees awareness and knowledge of the right of return.
اتفاقية أوسلو وتأثيرها على مدى استخدام تكنولوجيا المعلومات في بناء الدولة الفلسطينية
(AL-Quds University, 2004-06-15) سامح رشيد فايز القبج; Sameh Rashid Fayez Al-Qubaj; بسام بحور; لا يوجد; لا يوجد
اداء الصحافة الاسرائيلية المكتوبة في الحروب حرب لبنان الثانية نموذجا
(AL-Quds University, 2011-04-28) سامح عبدالفتاح صالح خضر; SAMEH ABDEL FATTAH SALEH KHADER; عزيز حيدر; احمد رفيق عوض; سميح شبيب
The study is focusing on the Three main Hebrew newspapers coverage to the Second Lebanon war Haaretz, Yedioth Ahranot, and Maariv. Starting with a historical background about the Israeli press before the state declaration and during the state formative era. It also goes through the history of the key figures of the Israeli press and they role in forming up the public opinion for the favor of the Zionist project. The study spotlights the multiplicity of the Israeli press since its early beginning that was the reason of a political and commercial competitions among newspapers in that era. The political competition was the result of the fact that many of the political parties that existed in that era established their own newspapers to express their political views and attitudes towards the state building process and the ongoing conflict with Arabs. However, this multiplicity did not reflect a diversity in the political attitudes or methodologies, as there was a kind of unspoken agreement among all to protect the Zionist project and to promote it among Jewish immigrants in Palestine. These professional attitudes and methodologies were clearly seen in the coverage of Israeli wars with Arabs in general and the ongoing conflict with Palestinian residents in particular. The study shows how Israeli press systematically ignored covering actual events of the conflict to abide by the regulations of Israeli army at that era. As a results, many incidents were neglected during the conflict coverage and others were justified by the press. It also discusses the reasons beyond the formation of Israeli military censorship that was establish shortly after the state formation. It deeply examines the professional behavior of Israeli journalists and their need for a military censorship. Throughout the content analysis method, the study goes through the three main Hebrew newspapers to the second Lebanon war between Israel and Hizbollah starting from the incident in which Hizbollah conducted the kidnapping of three Israeli soldiers, going through the decision making process and the atmosphere of the cabinet meetings, the Israeli press vision to the goals of war, and ending with the press criticism to the political level and their functional critical mistakes during the war. The outcomes of the war and the disappointment of Israeli press of these outcomes caused by the political level mistakes and the performance of the Israeli army units. Specially at the times where Israeli press was giving all its resources to the army spokespersons and patriotic journalists the times and spaces needed, hoping that the victory it seeks will finally be delivered. Finally, the studies focuses on the steps taken by chief editors against journalist who did not abide by the regulations of the newspapers during war times and testimonies of journalists
استخدام مناهضة السامية كتهمة لمنع انتقاد ممارسات إسرائيل بحق الفلسطينيين 2000-2013
(AL-Quds University, 2013-06-05) خلدون باجس ذيب ابوخطاب; KHALDOUN B D ABUKHATTAB; أوري ديفيس; احمد رفيق عوض; سمير عوض
One of the minimum requirements of democracy demands that the political systems accept criticism, and respond when criticized in democratic manner. Israel and its supporters - notably the Zionist organizations - deal with criticism of the Israeli Occupation and the racist practices towards the 1948 and 1967 Palestinians, in belligerent manner. Israel and its supporters deals with the criticism of these practices in a very sensitive, and even aggressive way, to the extent of accusing the critics being anti-Semites, who hate Jews as a racial or religious group. This study seeks to reveal how Israel and the Zionist organizations suppress critics of Israel's practices and policies in the 1967 Israeli Occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and in the lands occupied and ethnically cleansed by Israel in 1948 from the year 2000 (the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada up to the present. The study reveals that the working definition of anti-Semitism, which Zionist Organizations depend on in their attempts to suppress the critics of Israel, is not a recognized document and has no legal value. European Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) that worked on putting this definition between 2003- 2005 clarified that the definition is a historical non-legal document. FRA confirmed that they never called the Member States of the European Union to adopt the definition and to use it as a basis for defining which practices are to be considered anti-Semitic. Despite the above mentioned facts several Zionist Organizations are still using this definition by claiming that it is a legal document recognized by the European Union, as well as by pointing out that the United States uses this definition in some of its laws. The researcher recommends that Palestinian political leaders and all activists working in solidarity with Palestinian rights publicize the findings of this study exposing the false claims of Israel's apologists to the effect that the working definition of anti-Semitism is adopted by the EU and its member states as a legal standard to be used as a basis for defining which practices are to be considered anti-Semitic. Moreover, the researcher recommends that the legal implications of the findings of this study be examined in order to develop further legal advantages of the facts revealed in this study to fortify the defense of Palestinian rights. Additionally, the researcher recommends publicizing the General Policy Recommendation (GPR) of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) that specify the anti-Semitic acts to be considered criminal offences. These recommendations do not support the claim that criticizing Israel or calling to boycott it form anti-Semitic acts. Finally, the researcher also urges Palestinian activists working on the legal level to study the lawsuits won by Israel critics and by the Campaign of Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions Against Israel (BDS), in order to advance the legal advantages gained as a basis for expanded legal struggle. In conclusion, the researcher recommends that anti-occupation activists work with their Jewish counterparts throughout the world in defense of the Palestinian rights with the view to spreading the position that criticism of Israel, and the calls for boycotting Israel represent legitimate resistance, and have nothing to do with anti-Semitism. What is more, that attempts to connect the right to criticize Israel with anti-Semitism, represent an attempt to provoke religious disputes to suppress the critics of Israel practices as occupation force.
استخدام وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي في المشاركة الشعبية في التنمية
(AL-Quds University, 2014-05-31) عاهد الياس جريس جرايسه; Ahed Elias Jeries Jarayseh; أحمد فارس عودة; احمد رفيق عوض; عبد الرحيم الشيخ
This study seeks to understand the relationship between social media and development by studying the impact of social media in the dissemination of information and ideas, and in facilitating the interaction between individuals and groups around the world. Additionally, the study seeks to provide a better understanding about the impact of social media on public participation in social, political, and economic issues. Moreover, it highlights the role of this participation in development, assuming that there is a positive relationship between social media and development. The study introduces several media theories to prove the hypothesis, and investigates its applicability with social media. The study presents study samples from different public movements that took place around the world over the past decade, focusing particularly on the Arab spring. These study samples employed social media tools in announcing, lobbying, and spreading information locally and internationally. The overall framework of the study focuses on questions revolving around the relationship between social media tools and the development process, and utilizes the descriptive approach as the main methodology through referring to past studies and theories. Literature on social media was thoroughly analyzed and built upon to provide comprehensive interpretations of the current status of social media. This study faced some obstacles related to the accelerated development of social media tools, which imposes continuous changes and significant impact on literature analysis and study results. Additionally, there is a scarcity of Arabic literature and references that serve the core of the study. The study focused on the evolution of social media in the Arab world, and covers the period that has witnessed the social media evolution since 2010. The study presents a comprehensive research background, justifications, goals, research questions, hypotheses, methodology, and its borders it.
اسرائيل واحدة النشؤ والغياب عن الساحة السياسية
(AL-Quds University, 2001-05-24) حلمي ابراهيم محمد عنقاوي; Hilmy Ibrahim Mohammad Inqawi; عزيز حيدر; د.عصام أبو ريا; د.عصام نصار; أ.عوض منصور
الاحتلال الايراني للجزر العربية الثلاث في الخليج العربي وأثرذلك على الأمن القومي لدول مجلس التعاون الخليجي
(Al-Quds University, 2009-04-22) محمد خميس محمد دبابش; Muhammad Khamis Muhammad Dababish
هدفت الدراسة بصورة جوهرية إلى تبيان تداعيات وتفاعلات قضية الاحتلال الإيراني للجزر العربية الثلاث وأثره على الأمن القومي لدول مجلس التعاون الخليجي، حيث كان لابد من الوصول لهذا الهدف تناول عدد من الموضوعات الواقعة في إطار الهدف الرئيس وتدخل ضمن أهداف الدراسة. A وتغطي منطقة الدراسة الجزر الثلاث والمنطقة المحيطة بها من دول الخليج العربي والذي يمثل امتداد فرعي للمحيط الهندي الذي يمثل أهمية استثنائية على السلم والأمن في العالم، ونظراً لشمولية البحث وتناوله لعدة جوانب، فقد تبنى الباحث المنهج التاريخي والوصفي والتحليلي. وأظهرت الدراسة النتائج التالية: أن الادعاءات الإيرانية بملكية الجزر الثلاث مرتبطة بأطماعها التوسعية قديماً وحديثاً، للسيطرة على الخليج العربي وتحكمها فيه وأن قواعد ومبادئ القانون الدولي المتعلقة بالسيادة الإقليمية تمثل تدعيماً لموقف دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة وتفنيداً للحجج التي تسوقها إيران لتسوع احتلالها للجزر، وأن أسباب التوتر في منطقة الخليج لم يكن مصدرها فقط تدهور العلاقات الإيرانية مع دول مجلس التعاون، بل أن هناك أسباباً أخرى كان لها تأثيراتها كذلك على أمن الخليج واستقراره، وهو ما يتعلق في المشاكل الحدودية بين دول الخليج العربي.لقد قادت النزاعات السياسية في منطقة الخليج إلى تحول خطير على صعيد بداية الانسلاخ التدريجي لمجموعة الدول العربية في هذا الإقليم عن المحيط العربي العام، كما أنت حرب الخليج الثانية إلى إضعاف قدرات النظام العربي واضطر الخليج إلى الاستعانة بقدرات الولايات المتحدة والغرب وهذا ما أرادته الولايات المتحدة.وبقي ميراث الشك لدى العديد من دول الخليج تجاه إيران والذي كان بصورة جلية بعد انتهاء حرب الخليج الثانية من أن تلعب دوراً إقليمياً مسيطراً، ولا زالت تتبنى في المنطقة إستراتيجية المجال الحيوي التي ترى أنها تعطيها الهيمنة كما تبين أن إنفاق دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي الست تجاوز الإنفاق الأمني المحلي إلى تمويل أنشطة عسكرية على المستوى الإقليمي العام، الأمر الذي نتج عنه الانكشاف الاقتصادي في ظل اعتماد دول الخليج على مصدر دخلي وحيد هو البترول. إن أكثر دائرة تهديد مؤثرة على الأمن القومي الخليجي تتمثل في وضع السكان غير المتكافئ في معظم دول الخليج، وكذلك التركيب الديموغرافي، وتقوم الولايات المتحدة بابتزاز دول المجلس أمنياً وعسكرياً واقتصادياً والنتيجة أن المعادلة الأمنية في الخليج تعاني خللاً واضحاً لصالح الولايات المتحدة. وبعد نهاية حرب الخليج الثانية أصبح التحالف الخليجي الأمريكي أكثر علنية وانفتاحاً. وأخيراً لا يمكن صياغة أمن الخليج العربي وضمانه دون الربط العضوي بين أمن الخليج والأمن القومي العربي وانتهت الدراسة بعدد من التوصيات التأكيد على قرارات جامعة الدولة العربية والمنظمات الإقليمية الأخرى التي تؤكد على عروبة الجزر الثلاث وتبعيتها لسيادة دولة الإمارات العربية والتأكيد على أحكام مبادئ القانون الدولي فيما يتعلق بحل هذا النزاع وعرضه على محكمة العدل الدولية للفصل فيه. يجب تنويع مصادر الدخل في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي للمحافظة على الإنجازات الاقتصادية والعمل على بناء نظام تعاون أمني بين دول المنطقة دون أي تدخل أجنبي وأن يكون لإيران دور مهم في الترتيبات الأمنية للخليج، والابتعاد عن سياسة التحالفات مع القوى الخارجية لإبعاد المنطقة عن حالة الاستقطاب، وتحويل أمن الخليج العربي من أمن النظم السياسية إلى أمن المجتمعات، على أن يرتبط أمن الخليج بمشاركة شعبية واسعة من دول منطقة الخليج كافة في صنع القرار السياسي الأمر الذي سيكسب النظم السياسية في المنطقة شرعية أكبر وفاعلية أعظم. يجب تبني نموذج جديد لبناء أطر الثقة والأمن بين دول الخليج وتخفيف هذه المخاوف عن طريق الانتهاء من رسم الحدود الفاصلة بين كل منها، وإيجاد حل للمشكلات العالقة، وعمل اتفاقية الحد من التسلح واتفاقية أمنية لمنع انتشار أسلحة الدمار الشامل، مع تبنى دول المنطقة لسياسات تقوم على الانفراج السياسي محلياً وأن تكون هناك شبكة من العلاقات بين دول المنطقة تزيد من فرص التقارب وتدعم الخط الإيجابي وتكون خير ضمان من تردي العلاقات وتوترها بشكل مفاجئ، كما يحدث عادة في العلاقات الإقليمية.
الاحزاب الدينية وتاثيرها على القرارات المصيرية في اسرائيل
(AL-Quds University, 1999-10-10) نعمان عاطف سالم عبد ربه; Nouman Atef Salem Abed Rabo; عزيز حيدر; د.محمود محارب; د.عصام نصار
الاستغراب الثقافي
(AL-Quds University, 2004-05-27) تغريد محمد صالح أبو حمدة; Taghrid Mohammed Saleh Abu Hamdah; نديم مسيس; د.محمود محارب; د. شريف كناعنه
الانتخابات الإسر ائيلية عام ( 2009 م) ونتائجها على العملية السلمية بين لجانبين الفلسطيني والإسرائيلي
(AL-Quds University, 2014-05-12) محمود طالب محمود السويطي; mahmood taleb mahmood alswitie; عزيز حيدر; امنة بدران; عماد البشتاوي
This study aimed to explore, analyze and evaluate the effects of the Israeli elections in (2009) on the process of peaceful settlement between Israel and (P.L.O). In addition, this study will assess the impact of the election results on the two state solution, Jerusalem settlements and the right of return for Palestinian refugees. In addition to assessing the impact of the concept of "a Jewish state" solution to the conflict and the Palestinians in (1948) areas. The research is conducted relying on the qualitative approach and descriptive method to describe the impact of the Israeli elections on a peaceful settlement between the two sides. The study found several results including; that the elections (2009) contributed to the move away from resolving the conflict through the establishment of a viable Palestinian state, especially in light of Israel's insistence on keeping Jerusalem united and eternal capital of the state of Israel, and with its insistence on expanding settlements, especially around Jerusalem, in order to eliminate any possibility of giving East Jerusalem as a capital for the Palestinian state. The study also noted that the Israeli political parties with their different ideologies agree on the outlines of any settlement with the Palestinian side, where the parties agree on the fate of Jerusalem, the non-recognition of the right of return, and not to withdraw to the borders of June (1967). The study showed the extent of the negative impact of the concept of “a Jewish state” on the Palestinians in (1948) areas, the Palestinians of West Bank, and the diaspora. Where the concept of “a Jewish state” aims to a pure state for Jews only, and any Palestinian people stay in this state must declare his loyalty to state of Israel. The study also showed that the elections (2009) contributed in shifting the Israeli society more and more towards right and extremism, also contributed in increasing the power of the settlers in Israeli politics, and increasing political elites supporting them and sympathetic
الانتماء الإثني وأثره على الإنتماء السياسي في إسرائيل :حالة اليهود اليهود الشرقيين
(AL-Quds University, 2005-01-01) يوسف حسين ابراهيم شتات; Yousef Husein Ibrahim Shatat; عزيز حيدر; هنيدة غانم; محمود ميعاري
الانتهاكات الإسرائيلية لحقوق الإنسان وانعكاساتها على أوضاع اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في قطاع غزة (عدوان أيار/ مايو 2021 أنموذجاً)
(Al-Quds University, 2022-11-30) يامن شريف أحمد المدهون; Yamen Sharef Ahmed Al madhoun
يدور موضوع الدراسة حول حقوق الإنسان والقواعد الحاكمة للدول، والكشف عن أشكال الانتهاكات التي يتعرض لها اللاجئون الفلسطينيون وأبرز تداعيات عدوان أيار/ مايو 2021 على اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في قطاع غزة، واستخدمت الدراسة المنهج الوصفي التحليلي والمنهجية القانوني، ومنهج دراسة الحالة. واستخدمت أداة المقابلة شبه المنظمة وكانت الأسئلة مفتوحة. أهم النتائج التي توصلت لها الدراسة أن اللاجئين الفلسطينيين يتعرضون إلى أشكال وأنماط مختلفة من الانتهاكات، جراء استمرار قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في ممارساتها تجاههم، وبالأخص الهجمات الحربية التي تستهدف اللاجئين وممتلكاتهم الخاصة والعامة. وخلال عدوان أيار/مايو 2021، تكبد اللاجئون الفلسطينيون في قطاع غزة خسائر بشرية ومادية هائلة، في المقابل أبدت وكالة غوث وتشغيل اللاجئين الفلسطينيين " الأونروا" حالة من عدم الاهتمام والاكتراث بتطورات الأحداث خلال العدوان، ولم توفر مأوى ملائم ولم تفتح أبواب مقراتها بشكل رسمي للنازحين والفارين. في حين أثرت التغيرات الدولية والإقليمية سلباً وأضعفت من مكانة قضية اللاجئين خاصة وأن الدول بدأت تنكفئ على نفسها، وتهتم بمشاكلها الداخلية؛ وجراء ذلك باتت منظومة الحماية الدولية ضعيفة؛ ما جعل اللاجئين عرضة للانتهاكات والاعتداءات وأصبحت قضيتهم عرضة للتهميش. وأوصت الدراسة بضرورة قيام المجتمع الدولي بواجباته القانونية والأخلاقية لحماية اللاجئين الفلسطينيين، وتشكيل لجنة تحقيق للوقوف على انتهاكات قواعد القانون الدولي الإنساني وحقوق الإنسان التي يتعرض لها اللاجئون الفلسطينيون، وضرورة أن تقوم المحكمة الجنائية الدولية بالشروع فوراً في استجواب المشتبه بهم من الجنود والضباط والمسؤولين الإسرائيليين الذين خططوا وارتكبوا الجرائم، كما يجب على إدارة ( الأونروا) في قطاع غزة إجراء مراجعة مستقلة وحيادية بشأن عدم الاستجابة، والإحجام عن تقديم تدخلات سريعة وشاملة وتفعيل حالة الطوارئ خلال عدوان 2021، وضرورة توحيد الأدوات السياسية والدبلوماسية والإعلامية لخدمة القضية الفلسطينية، وخاصة قضية اللاجئين التي تتعرض إلى مخاطر حقيقية؛ نتيجة تراجع الاهتمام الدولي بها.
الآثار المترتبة على القوانين الإسرائيلية العنصرية والتمييزية ضد فلسطينيي الداخل (2018-2009)
(Al-Quds University, 2019-08-24) مصطفى خليل أحمد إبراهيم; Mustafa Khalil Ahmed Ibrahim
The study aimed to identify the historical motives and contexts of the racist and discriminatory laws against Palestinian citizens of Israel And to highlight the racist and discriminatory laws enacted by Israel to control the Palestinians, the effects of racist and discriminatory laws on targeting the Palestinian citizens of Israel to develop a proposed vision to strengthen the ability of the Palestinians in order to confront racist and discriminatory laws against them The study used the descriptive analytical approach and the historical approach to examine the phenomenon and to analyze it in order to express a way for understanding the relationship between this phenomenon and the others to be able to draw conclusions that deepen awareness of the nature of the reality and the development of its factors. In order to understand the phenomenon which the study examines to determine the nature of its origin, and the factors that led to its composition to help to understand the historical phenomenon in the present sense, and then to predict its future The study consisted of an introduction and four chapters: Chapter one introduced the theoretical framework, the study plan, terminology and previous studies The second chapter dealt with the historical motives and contexts of the racist and discriminatory laws against the Palestinian citizens of Israel The third chapter dealt with the racist and discriminatory laws enacted by Israel to control the Palestinians, the development of laws imposition and the most discriminatory racist laws Finally, chapter four discussed the effects of racist and discriminatory laws on targeting the Palestinians, Preventing them from civil and political rights, political persecution and proposed vision to strengthen the Palestinians capacity. The study also showed the racist nature of Israel, the relationship between it and the Palestinian citizens of Israel as an ethnic minority and its attempt to undermine the status of the Palestinians. And the ongoing Judaization policies based on settlement and racial discrimination. The study also showed the extent of the Palestinians society division and the lack of harmony with the absence of their representative national institutions under the absence of a future vision to confront racist and discriminatory policies which harm the Palestinians identity. The study concluded with some results, the most important are: Israel continues to pursue its discriminatory policies and undermine the status of a Palestinian inside with the enactment of more racist and discriminatory laws, As the law of nationalism states to deprive the Palestinians from their rights of citizenship, equality and the right of self-determination Therefore, there is no longer any possibility of retreating from the law because of the continued division and differences So the Palestinian situation should be revived by renewing future visions Which can lay the intellectual foundation and enable the Palestinian to achieve a historic reconciliation and highlight their Palestinian and their national history..

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