Regional Studies

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( 2006-2013) الاحتياجات الأمنية الإسرائيلية في الضفة الغربية بعد حرب العام 2006
(AL-Quds University, 2015-05-20) احمد محمود محمد شديد; Ahmad Mahmoud Mohammad Shadid; عماد البشتاوي; أحمد فارس عودة; محمد المصري
The West Bank is one of the issues that form the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This conflict has to do with Israel’s control of the land for both exploiting its resources and for allegedly security reasons. The study sheds light on the Israeli security strategy that aims at holding on to both land and air of the West Bank. This study aims at examining the Israeli stance vis-à-vis the final solution resulting from negotiations with Palestinians about the status of the Palestinian territories in the West Bank. Moreover, the study aims at monitoring the Israeli security trends in the light of the studies published by Israeli research centers and of the official security positions that are conveyed by the Israeli security and military establishments to the political circles. However, this will help us better understand the Israeli security-related perceptions and proposals that will be drafted in any future negotiations especially those pertaining to the final status . The problem of the study seeks defining the real Israeli intentions regarding the West Bank as the Israeli security and military establishments view it as their strategic depth. After the 2006 war, Israel started to focus on many security issues that Israel perceives highly necessary for protecting her land and population, a policy that will impede reaching a final and just peace agreement based on international legitimacy represented mainly by resolution 242 that stipulates a full Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967. The study concludes that the Israeli security establishment has the final word regarding negotiations with Palestinians and that withdrawal from the West Bank is unlikely in the foreseeable future for it will, according to the Israelis, jeopardize their security given their economic benefits they may gain should they keep their occupation of the West Bank.
اتجاهات الصحفيين الفلسطينيين في قطاع غزة نحو الإعلام الأمريكي
(AL-Quds University, 2007-08-13) سامي عمر نمر زياره; Sami Omer Nimer Zeyara; جهاد حمد; This study aimed at clarifying the attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward the main American mass media. To accomplish this, the research will design/specify the main attitudes scale and apply it to a sample of 200 press Individuals from both genders in the Gaza Strip. This has been done be through the research study of these attitudes. It examines the attitudes' relationship with some variables if there are any of such variables with or against the USA press. Additionally, the research will study the relationship between some independent variables such as religion, age, location, level of education, economic status, and political affiliation with the dependent variables of USA press. This study considered as a new research study for understanding essential and new subject to the Palestinian press and journalists. The results of the study showed that the level of attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward American press was less than the proposed average (70%), yet the level of knowledge to USA press was 70%. Besides, the finding results showed that there were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards the USA press by the Palestinian journalists in the Gaza Strip. This was in regard of sex, age, level of education, economic status, residency, location, work experience, nature of presswork, and English language proficiency. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to age difference. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to residency variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to level of education variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to economic variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to work experience variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to work nature variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, due to the variability of following up newspapers. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, language efficiency; محمود حسن; حسين ابو شنب
This study aimed at clarifying the attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward the main American mass media. To accomplish this, the research will design/specify the main attitudes scale and apply it to a sample of 200 press Individuals from both genders in the Gaza Strip. This has been done be through the research study of these attitudes. It examines the attitudes' relationship with some variables if there are any of such variables with or against the USA press. Additionally, the research will study the relationship between some independent variables such as religion, age, location, level of education, economic status, and political affiliation with the dependent variables of USA press. This study considered as a new research study for understanding essential and new subject to the Palestinian press and journalists. The results of the study showed that the level of attitudes of Palestinian journalists toward American press was less than the proposed average (70%), yet the level of knowledge to USA press was 70%. Besides, the finding results showed that there were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards the USA press by the Palestinian journalists in the Gaza Strip. This was in regard of sex, age, level of education, economic status, residency, location, work experience, nature of presswork, and English language proficiency. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to age difference. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to residency variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to level of education variable. There were no significant statistical indications (0, 05  ) in the level of attitudes towards American press for Palestinian journalists in Gaza Strip, this due to economic variable
اتفاقية أوسلو وتأثيرها على مدى استخدام تكنولوجيا المعلومات في بناء الدولة الفلسطينية
(AL-Quds University, 2004-06-15) سامح رشيد فايز القبج; Sameh Rashid Fayez Al-Qubaj; بسام بحور; لا يوجد; لا يوجد
اداء الصحافة الاسرائيلية المكتوبة في الحروب حرب لبنان الثانية نموذجا
(AL-Quds University, 2011-04-28) سامح عبدالفتاح صالح خضر; SAMEH ABDEL FATTAH SALEH KHADER; عزيز حيدر; احمد رفيق عوض; سميح شبيب
The study is focusing on the Three main Hebrew newspapers coverage to the Second Lebanon war Haaretz, Yedioth Ahranot, and Maariv. Starting with a historical background about the Israeli press before the state declaration and during the state formative era. It also goes through the history of the key figures of the Israeli press and they role in forming up the public opinion for the favor of the Zionist project. The study spotlights the multiplicity of the Israeli press since its early beginning that was the reason of a political and commercial competitions among newspapers in that era. The political competition was the result of the fact that many of the political parties that existed in that era established their own newspapers to express their political views and attitudes towards the state building process and the ongoing conflict with Arabs. However, this multiplicity did not reflect a diversity in the political attitudes or methodologies, as there was a kind of unspoken agreement among all to protect the Zionist project and to promote it among Jewish immigrants in Palestine. These professional attitudes and methodologies were clearly seen in the coverage of Israeli wars with Arabs in general and the ongoing conflict with Palestinian residents in particular. The study shows how Israeli press systematically ignored covering actual events of the conflict to abide by the regulations of Israeli army at that era. As a results, many incidents were neglected during the conflict coverage and others were justified by the press. It also discusses the reasons beyond the formation of Israeli military censorship that was establish shortly after the state formation. It deeply examines the professional behavior of Israeli journalists and their need for a military censorship. Throughout the content analysis method, the study goes through the three main Hebrew newspapers to the second Lebanon war between Israel and Hizbollah starting from the incident in which Hizbollah conducted the kidnapping of three Israeli soldiers, going through the decision making process and the atmosphere of the cabinet meetings, the Israeli press vision to the goals of war, and ending with the press criticism to the political level and their functional critical mistakes during the war. The outcomes of the war and the disappointment of Israeli press of these outcomes caused by the political level mistakes and the performance of the Israeli army units. Specially at the times where Israeli press was giving all its resources to the army spokespersons and patriotic journalists the times and spaces needed, hoping that the victory it seeks will finally be delivered. Finally, the studies focuses on the steps taken by chief editors against journalist who did not abide by the regulations of the newspapers during war times and testimonies of journalists
استخدام مناهضة السامية كتهمة لمنع انتقاد ممارسات إسرائيل بحق الفلسطينيين 2000-2013
(AL-Quds University, 2013-06-05) خلدون باجس ذيب ابوخطاب; KHALDOUN B D ABUKHATTAB; أوري ديفيس; احمد رفيق عوض; سمير عوض
One of the minimum requirements of democracy demands that the political systems accept criticism, and respond when criticized in democratic manner. Israel and its supporters - notably the Zionist organizations - deal with criticism of the Israeli Occupation and the racist practices towards the 1948 and 1967 Palestinians, in belligerent manner. Israel and its supporters deals with the criticism of these practices in a very sensitive, and even aggressive way, to the extent of accusing the critics being anti-Semites, who hate Jews as a racial or religious group. This study seeks to reveal how Israel and the Zionist organizations suppress critics of Israel's practices and policies in the 1967 Israeli Occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and in the lands occupied and ethnically cleansed by Israel in 1948 from the year 2000 (the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada up to the present. The study reveals that the working definition of anti-Semitism, which Zionist Organizations depend on in their attempts to suppress the critics of Israel, is not a recognized document and has no legal value. European Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) that worked on putting this definition between 2003- 2005 clarified that the definition is a historical non-legal document. FRA confirmed that they never called the Member States of the European Union to adopt the definition and to use it as a basis for defining which practices are to be considered anti-Semitic. Despite the above mentioned facts several Zionist Organizations are still using this definition by claiming that it is a legal document recognized by the European Union, as well as by pointing out that the United States uses this definition in some of its laws. The researcher recommends that Palestinian political leaders and all activists working in solidarity with Palestinian rights publicize the findings of this study exposing the false claims of Israel's apologists to the effect that the working definition of anti-Semitism is adopted by the EU and its member states as a legal standard to be used as a basis for defining which practices are to be considered anti-Semitic. Moreover, the researcher recommends that the legal implications of the findings of this study be examined in order to develop further legal advantages of the facts revealed in this study to fortify the defense of Palestinian rights. Additionally, the researcher recommends publicizing the General Policy Recommendation (GPR) of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) that specify the anti-Semitic acts to be considered criminal offences. These recommendations do not support the claim that criticizing Israel or calling to boycott it form anti-Semitic acts. Finally, the researcher also urges Palestinian activists working on the legal level to study the lawsuits won by Israel critics and by the Campaign of Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions Against Israel (BDS), in order to advance the legal advantages gained as a basis for expanded legal struggle. In conclusion, the researcher recommends that anti-occupation activists work with their Jewish counterparts throughout the world in defense of the Palestinian rights with the view to spreading the position that criticism of Israel, and the calls for boycotting Israel represent legitimate resistance, and have nothing to do with anti-Semitism. What is more, that attempts to connect the right to criticize Israel with anti-Semitism, represent an attempt to provoke religious disputes to suppress the critics of Israel practices as occupation force.
استخدام وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي في المشاركة الشعبية في التنمية
(AL-Quds University, 2014-05-31) عاهد الياس جريس جرايسه; Ahed Elias Jeries Jarayseh; أحمد فارس عودة; احمد رفيق عوض; عبد الرحيم الشيخ
This study seeks to understand the relationship between social media and development by studying the impact of social media in the dissemination of information and ideas, and in facilitating the interaction between individuals and groups around the world. Additionally, the study seeks to provide a better understanding about the impact of social media on public participation in social, political, and economic issues. Moreover, it highlights the role of this participation in development, assuming that there is a positive relationship between social media and development. The study introduces several media theories to prove the hypothesis, and investigates its applicability with social media. The study presents study samples from different public movements that took place around the world over the past decade, focusing particularly on the Arab spring. These study samples employed social media tools in announcing, lobbying, and spreading information locally and internationally. The overall framework of the study focuses on questions revolving around the relationship between social media tools and the development process, and utilizes the descriptive approach as the main methodology through referring to past studies and theories. Literature on social media was thoroughly analyzed and built upon to provide comprehensive interpretations of the current status of social media. This study faced some obstacles related to the accelerated development of social media tools, which imposes continuous changes and significant impact on literature analysis and study results. Additionally, there is a scarcity of Arabic literature and references that serve the core of the study. The study focused on the evolution of social media in the Arab world, and covers the period that has witnessed the social media evolution since 2010. The study presents a comprehensive research background, justifications, goals, research questions, hypotheses, methodology, and its borders it.
اسرائيل واحدة النشؤ والغياب عن الساحة السياسية
(AL-Quds University, 2001-05-24) حلمي ابراهيم محمد عنقاوي; Hilmy Ibrahim Mohammad Inqawi; عزيز حيدر; د.عصام أبو ريا; د.عصام نصار; أ.عوض منصور
الاحزاب الدينية وتاثيرها على القرارات المصيرية في اسرائيل
(AL-Quds University, 1999-10-10) نعمان عاطف سالم عبد ربه; Nouman Atef Salem Abed Rabo; عزيز حيدر; د.محمود محارب; د.عصام نصار
الاستغراب الثقافي
(AL-Quds University, 2004-05-27) تغريد محمد صالح أبو حمدة; Taghrid Mohammed Saleh Abu Hamdah; نديم مسيس; د.محمود محارب; د. شريف كناعنه
الانتخابات الإسر ائيلية عام ( 2009 م) ونتائجها على العملية السلمية بين لجانبين الفلسطيني والإسرائيلي
(AL-Quds University, 2014-05-12) محمود طالب محمود السويطي; mahmood taleb mahmood alswitie; عزيز حيدر; امنة بدران; عماد البشتاوي
This study aimed to explore, analyze and evaluate the effects of the Israeli elections in (2009) on the process of peaceful settlement between Israel and (P.L.O). In addition, this study will assess the impact of the election results on the two state solution, Jerusalem settlements and the right of return for Palestinian refugees. In addition to assessing the impact of the concept of "a Jewish state" solution to the conflict and the Palestinians in (1948) areas. The research is conducted relying on the qualitative approach and descriptive method to describe the impact of the Israeli elections on a peaceful settlement between the two sides. The study found several results including; that the elections (2009) contributed to the move away from resolving the conflict through the establishment of a viable Palestinian state, especially in light of Israel's insistence on keeping Jerusalem united and eternal capital of the state of Israel, and with its insistence on expanding settlements, especially around Jerusalem, in order to eliminate any possibility of giving East Jerusalem as a capital for the Palestinian state. The study also noted that the Israeli political parties with their different ideologies agree on the outlines of any settlement with the Palestinian side, where the parties agree on the fate of Jerusalem, the non-recognition of the right of return, and not to withdraw to the borders of June (1967). The study showed the extent of the negative impact of the concept of “a Jewish state” on the Palestinians in (1948) areas, the Palestinians of West Bank, and the diaspora. Where the concept of “a Jewish state” aims to a pure state for Jews only, and any Palestinian people stay in this state must declare his loyalty to state of Israel. The study also showed that the elections (2009) contributed in shifting the Israeli society more and more towards right and extremism, also contributed in increasing the power of the settlers in Israeli politics, and increasing political elites supporting them and sympathetic
الانتماء الإثني وأثره على الإنتماء السياسي في إسرائيل :حالة اليهود اليهود الشرقيين
(AL-Quds University, 2005-01-01) يوسف حسين ابراهيم شتات; Yousef Husein Ibrahim Shatat; عزيز حيدر; هنيدة غانم; محمود ميعاري
الأبعاد الإستراتيجية لمصالح إيران ودورها الإقليمي في منطقة الخليج 2003-2013
(AL-Quds University, 2014-04-27) محمد يوسف أحمد ربيع; Mohammed Y. A. Rabee; عبد المجيد سويلم; احمد ابو دية; عبد الرحمن الحاج
This study investigates the nature of Iran’s interests in the Gulf region, and seeks to shed light on the importance of these interests for the Islamic Republic of Iran in light of changes that have occurred in the region in the last two decades of the century. Most of the justifications for the study are based on the growing role of Iran in the Persian Gulf, and its impact upon Iran and the countries of the region. In addition to competing with other regional powers, such as Turkey and Israel, over influence on the regional stature. The study will examine Iran’s attempt to export Shiite ideology, work on the development of its nuclear program and its rejection of the peace process between Israel and the Arab States in general, and the Palestinians in specific. In addition to competing with the US and other countries with interests in the Gulf area, over recourses the most important of which is oil. This research primarily used the analytical, descriptive and historical methods, and in part used a historical approach. This research also depended on many research tools, by using recourses, books in additions to newspapers and magazines, websites and other tools. The study concluded that: The Gulf region is at the center of attention of the world as a whole, it was and still is prone to colonial ambitions, since through history and starting from Portugal, Netherlands, France and Britain and ending with the United States which does not allow any country to control the Gulf region especially Iran. The study also found that there are many contributing factors as to why Iran’s role can not be undermined. Among these are, the vast area of the country, its increasing population, its nuclear program, in addition to its control of one the world’s most important sea routes. This also has negatively affected its relations with the countries of the Gulf region especially, and the area more generally. Finally, the study found that in spite of the adaptation and development of the Iranian policies from strictness to pragmatism, it is merely but a tool to serve its interests and goal in the region, whether these interests are ideological, political security, or economical for Iran to eventually gain a status as well as a regional role especially in the Gulf region.
الأبعاد السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية للثورة المصرية 25- /يناير/2011
(AL-Quds University, 2013-05-14) حليمة عبداللة احمد درعاوي; halimah abdallah ahmad darawi; أحمد فارس عودة; احمد ابو دية; عماد البشتاوي
This study discusses the political, economic and social dimensions of the January 25th revolution in Egypt. It was selected for many reasons starting with the significance and the huge influence of Egypt on both regional and Arabian levels, in view of the fact that any change in the Egyptian situation will affect directly the surrounding areas. Also, due to the considerable political and regional role of Egypt as it is deemed a leading country in the region. On the other hand the Egyptian revolution, unlike other Arabic revolutions, adopted a peaceful and nonviolent method in which the Egyptian army embraced the revolution and protected it instead of encountering and suppressing it. The study uses the descriptive analytical methodology of research. It aims to reveal the political, economic and social conditions prevailing prior to the revolution and how all these conditions accelerated its broke out. Thus, the hypothesis of this study states that there is a positive correlation between the change in the social, political, and economic situation of the Egyptian people and the broke out of their revolution. The study also aims to reveal the political, social and economic situations after the revolution of January the 25th in terms of political pluralism in Egypt after the revolution, the parties that participated in the elections such as religious and leftist parties, the problems arose with these parties after the revolution and the constitutional amendments accompanied with the political conflicts between the Islamic movements and the opposition parties which defended their positions, as well as the national and regional stances towards the revolution. The study concluded that the Egyptian revolution is an integrated model for the public uprisings which carry the seeds of a comprehensive changes in future, the general result which is the main demand of the public is achieved by overthrowing the regime, though the change in the social reality is still far to be achieved. Nevertheless, there are some signs for a beginning of a new social contract that differs from the previous one between the people and the government. The study also concluded that the revolution was able to bring back to the Egyptians their self. The protests become a method of expression and change which was demonstrated obviously during the unfinished transitional period until now in spite of electing a president and amending the constitution; a situation that can be attributed to the political conditions and the economical crisis that the Egyptians suffer from. Thus, it is highly necessary to start a comprehensive dialogue between the new regime and all society sectors in order to achieve the purposes of the revolution in building the nation on new basis of equality and democracy. Moreover, the study points out to the tendency of the Egyptian new regime towards “the Islamization of the regime” through the emerging Muslims’ Brotherhood party. It looked at the Turkish, Indonesian and Malaysian experiences as models to be adopted knowing that Muslims’ Brotherhood before revolutions are not the same as after them Many rules and behaviors have changed in the Muslims’ brotherhood approach which correspond to the needs of reaching the power and restraining it. The researcher suggests further studies Carried out by researchers who are interested in the Egyptian revolution discuss the political and the economic aspects in Egypt and reveal the effects of the revolution on them. That is because this study did not deal with the economic change in terms of statistical analysis .In addition to that, it did not clarify the impact of the Egyptian revolution on the foreign relations such as the relation with Israel
الأصولية الدينية في الجيش الإسرائيلي الأسباب والتداعيات على الديمقراطية في إسرائيل 1995-2012
(AL-Quds University, 2015-12-19) قتيبة وليد هزاع غانم; Qutaiba Waleed Hazaa Ghanim; أحمد رفيق عوض; د. أحمد فارس عودة; د.محمد المصري
Since The death of the Israeli prime minister, "Yitzhak Rabin", whom devout by a religious man after signing The Olso agreement with the Palestinians Authority under the care of the USA, it was begining of the events and development in the region formed, the internal religious conflicts in Israel ideological and methodological changes, which affected the institution, and also Hute of political decisions with regard to religious and the service in the army, and with drawals from the settlements and th Palestinian occupied lands. The study aims to identify the most important institution in Israel and the transformation that have taken place in them, and to clarify the circumstances that have helped to increase religious involvement in the Army on the remnants of democracy in Israel, and the Palestinian- Israeli and Arab- Israeli conflict the study problem is that this army which changes in structure and mentality and behavior will lead to changes in Israel's democracy. The study relied on historical method, comparative approach and the methodology of system analysis. The study concluded many of the most important results: that any settlement with the occupation satisfy both parties is virtually impossible, the future and the with draw from settlements in th West Bank devolves to the imagination, because Israeli is aware that it would cause a split within the army, which will be implemented in the job, or at least a rebel against the decisions government in the evacuation of the settlements, and this would be agreat insult to the government, and spark civil war, or at least demonstrations or internal skirmishes.
الأمركة وتأثيرها على المجتمع الفلسطيني
(AL-Quds University, 2010-08-18) ريتا مناويل حبيب حلو; Rita Manawel Habib Helo; محمد الدجاني; د منذر الدجاني; Dr. Daniel Moses
As Globalization makes the world a global open market for economic and industrial products, Americanization, one of its main components that produces different effects on the societies it encounters. This study investigates the influence of Americanization on Palestinian society, culture, traditions and habits through economic, political and cultural influence. While Americans do not explicitly seek to transmit their values, traditions and cultural behaviour to the rest of the world, we notice that Palestinian culture is being influenced in various ways by the effect of Americanization. The Palestinian national identity is being affected by the American culture. Palestinians seem to adopt certain values that are being labeled as American though such values do not belong only to America, but are in fact the shared inheritance of humankind regardless of nationalities. However, since such values reflect the ways in which, throughout history, Americans have been enriched by the traditions and understandings brought to these shores by immigrants from diverse societies across the globe, Palestinians do refer to them as rather "American". On another hand, the American impact is increasing in everyday's life and markets in Palestine; very popular American brands are being imported to the Palestinian markets such as ''Levi's'' and ''Disney'' products; others are being imitated by design, style and name such as "StarBucks" (Star and Bucks), "Blue Dolphin'' restaurant and other and are substituting locally made products or certain traditions with certain satisfaction which has to certain changes in the Palestinian culture, from clothing, food, language, music, education, ideas, markets and other This study investigates the influence of the American Culture and style of living on Palestinian society, culture, traditions and habits in everyday life
الأمن في التجمعات السكانيّة الحضريّة وأثره على السكان في إقليم جنوب شرق القدس
(AL-Quds University, 2018-05-12) صافيه موسى أحمد ابو دعموس; Safia Mousa Ahmad abu daamous; محمد الخطيب; سامر رداد; فيصل صبَّاح
The study aimed at identifying the security of the urban populations and its impact on the population in the south-east of Jerusalem, in which this region’s location and administrative dependency are the most important reasons that led to the appearance of features of urban insecurity. the study used descriptive- analytical approach and the regional approach. The study used a number of tools, including a Questionnaire where a simple random sample was chosen to represent a 400-question study forum that was evaluated and verified. The results were analyzed using statistical analysis program (SPSS), in which the means and standard deviations were calculated . Also, the study used T-test, ANOVA test, and By- person factor. Also, photographs were used in the analysis. The results of the study are: The lack of urban security in the study area is due to behavioral, organizational and administrative reasons. There is no correlation between the sex variable and insecurity. There is a correlation between the numbers of the family members and insecurity, as well as, the impact of urban insecurity on help and aid. The standard deviation is 0.6246, the arithmetic mean is 4.202, and other population-confirmed the risks of insecurity and their impact on the population. The study recommended the need to raise people awareness of the dangers of urban insecurity and its impact on the population, and the need of the private actors to work to get rid of the causes of the insecurity of urban areas.
الأهمية الإستراتيجية للمملكة العربية السعودية في السياسة الخارجية الأمريكية 1991 1990
(AL-Quds University, 2012-10-21) رزق عطا موسى يعقوب; rizik ata mousa yacoub; محمد الدجاني; منذر الدجاني; سمير عوض
The strategic importance of Saudi Arabia to the United States increased after Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 -1991. During this crisis, the relations between both countries developed to include policy, security, military and economic affairs. The aim of this development was to address the challenges which emerged as a result of Gulf War. The most prominent challenge was the confrontation with the radical regional powers that represented a serious threat for the American interests, as well as, the safety and stability of Saudi Arabia Kingdom. This study focuses on the importance attached by the U.S. foreign policy to Saudi Arabia. It aims to give a future image for this relationship, building on reading the historical features. The research highlights the strength of the mutual interests embodied in the U.S-Saudi relation. Political system analysis approach was used to detect the internal and the external effects that made U.S and the Saudi governments nurture this relationship. The researcher used the descriptive-historical methodology in tracing the trajectory of the USA – Saudi relationship, and the analytical methodology to identify the historical junctures that contributed to this relationship.
الإستراتيجية الأمريكية تجاه كردستان العراق 1991-2003
(AL-Quds University, 2007-05-01) نعمة سعيد عبدالله سرور; Nima Saed Abdullah Srour; أكرم أبو خوصة; جهاد حمد; إبراهيم المصري
This study of U.S.A strategy towards Kurdistan of Iraq 1991-2003 without ignoring the American Kurdish relationship from the Royal era to the second Gulf crisis in 1991 (historical framework). This study tackles the role of the official institutions in U.S.A policy making towards Kurdistan including informal organization in the trends of this policy. This also examines the most important U.S.A goals and its tools. This study also focuses on the internal Iraqi and region issues as well. The study utilizes the analytical descriptive methodology and structural analysis of (Bretsher), in addition to the process of decision-making and chronicle methodology. This study is divided into seven chapters including the study framework, literature and its consequences and conclusion. The study came to a conclusion that the United States of America has achieved its strategic military; economic and political strategy in Kurdistan due it's economical and militarily power. This came also as a result of it's polar dominance over the World and the end of the cold war. The USA also manipulated the Iraqi Kurdish due to their historical existence in a hostile environment.
الإستيطان الاسرائيلي في القدس خلال الفترة 2000 - 2009
(AL-Quds University, 2010-04-27) ايمان عاكف احمد زيتاوي; Iman Akef Ahmad Zetawi; عبد المجيد سويلم; عبد الرحمن الحاج; سميح شبيب
Israeli settlements in Jerusalem during the period 2000 - 2009 This study addressed the Israeli settlement activities in Jerusalem and the Israeli policies of Judaization and isolation since its occupation, the study analyzed the stages of these activities, and focused particularly on the period (from 2000 to 2009), the study explained and analyzed the objectives and the effects of settlement in Jerusalem, the separation wall and Judaization on the present and the future of Jerusalem, which is the essence of the Palestinian issue. The importance and justification for this study came as a result of the events and the fundamental changes made by Israel during the period (2000-2009) in the city of Jerusalem, which has the dangerous goals and tangible impact on the future of the Palestinian issue, the region and the suffering of Palestinians in Jerusalem, the most important events and changes were intensification of settlement activities, expansion of Jerusalem settlements, complete isolation of the city by building the separation wall, accelerating application of Judaization measures on the city, and increasing political intransigence in the Israeli position, which focuses on the unity of Jerusalem as the eternal capital of Israel. The study concluded a set of results, from the most important is that there is concentration of Israeli settlements in Jerusalem, and there are prior Israeli plans to intensify settlement in Jerusalem, Israel continues, regardless of the peace projects, increase the pace of settlement in Jerusalem for political and demographic purposes, there is an increase in the infiltration of Israeli groups into the Arab neighborhoods, there is a deep believe in Israel that it will reap critical political gains through changing the reality on the land of Jerusalem, the study also concluded that Israel has exploited peace agreements signed with the Palestinians and the Arabs to intensify settlement activities in Jerusalem and fattening the settlements, Israel's continuation of Judaizing Jerusalem at all levels, ignoring the international resolutions and its continued imposition of the reality of Jewish and change the demographic character of the city through the displacement of the population, the withdrawal of their identities and preventing Arab construction in the city, finally it was concluded through the analysis of recent events the weakness of the Palestinian position in Jerusalem. Based on the results of the study, the researcher presented a series of recommendations, the most important was the importance of Palestinian and Arab hard work to activate the application of international laws and resolutions of the United Nations and the Hague Tribunal, the creation of an Arab Islamic association to be responsible for Jerusalem, and not to leave the Palestinians alone in the battle to keep Jerusalem, support the steadfastness of the Palestinians citizens in Jerusalem in all aspects, increase the awareness of the Palestinian community in Jerusalem of the Israel's actions to seize their lands, the exploitation of the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty in the item that Jordan is responsible for the holy places in Jerusalem, and the exploitation of UNESCO to put pressure on Israel in order to stop Israeli excavations in Jerusalem
الإسقاطات العملية لاتفاق واشنطن على حياة سكان مناطق الحكم الذاتي الفلسطيني
(AL-Quds University, 2008-06-11) جمال حسن موسى غياضة; Jamal Hassan Mousa Ghayada; عبد الرحمن الحاج; معتصم الناصر; سمير عوض
This thesis has presented the practical effects &reflections of the Washington agreement, upon the Palestinians daily life inside the autonomy areas. The thesis dealt with the main research question about the way which the Palestinian side used to confirm its civilians rights through the implementation of the civic protocol of the Washington agreement between, the Palestinian & Israeli sides. The aim of this study, is to reveal the techniques used in managing the cooperated sessions between the two sides in order to implement what was agreed on through various committees formatted for that purpose ,and as a result, to transform the authorities and responsibilities from the Israeli side to the Palestinian side . The importance of this research emerges from the continuous efforts to have more detailed information about the implementation of the civilian law or protocol of the Washington agreement, and its effects on the Palestinian people through presenting the issues on ground and the unsolved or unimplemented issues of this protocol. This thesis depended on the descriptive analytical method in order to give a full objective picture of the true fact of implementing the civilian part of the Washington agreement. This has been done through analyzing several documentations from the meetings’ notes or records. These documentations were fully introduced in the study chapters with detailed comments at the end of each chapter. The study gave many important answers regarding this subject. The most important one was that the Palestinian side and through the civil affairs employs couldn’t fulfill the demands of the Palestinian citizens, and within the PA areas such as completing daily papers and personal documentations. Not only that, but also the ability to preserve their rights as ordinary citizens. Therefore, this thesis tried to present & give answers for the Israeli way in solving& dealing with the Palestinian citizens issues regarding the civilian side. This way, which usually based on the reality of control& power, and the one side interests away from any mutual understanding and cooperative work for the sake of just peace The main conclusion the researcher came to, was that there is no possibility to reach a full& complete implementation for the Washington agreement regarding the civilian part. The reason for that is the Israeli actions and policies against the Palestinians through imposing their own reality by military force causing sever damages for Palestinian civilians and their proprieties, and in a selfish way to manage & control everything without giving the Palestinian side any chance to be an effective partner in the peace process for this region. The researcher also added that the Palestinian side was able to give its citizens the minimum part of the civil rights introduced in Washington agreement. Even though, these rights aren’t enough, but at least the Palestinian side could clarify the vision that there is a legitimate right should always be the main demand no matter of tiredness & despair through the possible, allowed methods and routes

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