Israelis Studies
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- Itemواقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد وآليات الحد منه(جامعة القدس, 2021-08-14) ريم أحمد محمد الزير; Reem Ahmad Mohammd Zairهدفت الدراسة التعرف إلى واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد وآليات الحد منه في جنوب محافظة الخليل، ولتحقيق أهداف الدراسة، استخدمت الباحثة المنهج الوصفي والمنهج النوعي، حيث استخدمت الدراسة الاستبانة لقياس الفقر متعدد الأبعاد، كذلك استخدمت اداة المقابلة، وتكون مجتمع الدراسة من جميع الأسر الفقيرة في جنوب محافظة الخليل، وتم تطبيق الدراسة على عينة مكونة من (197) أسرة فقيرة، تم اختيارها بالطريقة القصدية، كذلك استخدمت الباحثة المنهج النوعي من خلال إجراء مقابلات مع عدد من المسؤولين، بهدف تدعيم نتائج أسئلة الإستبانة، التي كان من أهمها واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل من وجهة نظر الفئة المستهدفة جاء بدرجة متوسطة. كما توصلت الدراسة إلى عدم وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية بين متوسطات واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل تبعاً لمتغير الجنس، وحجم الاسرة، ونوع التجمع. بينما توصلت الدراسة إلى وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية بين متوسطات واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل تبعاً لمتغير المستوى التعليمي لرب الأسرة، لصالح الأمي، والاستهلاك الشهري لصالح الذين استهلاكهم الشهري (أكثر من 3000). أما بالنسبة لنتائج المقابلات فقد تركزت نتائجها حول ضرورة التمكين الاقتصادي للأسر الفقيرة من خلال المشاريع التنموية والإعداد المهني لأفراد الأسر الفقيرة حتى يتمكنوا من الاندماج في سوق العمل، لكي يتمكنوا من الاعتماد على أنفسهم، بدلاً من الاعتماد الكلي على المساعدات المقدمة لهم، كما بينت نتائج المقابلات إلى أنه من الضروري رفع مستوى الوعي والثقافة لدى الأسر الفقيرة من خلال تثقيفها بضرورة تعليم أبنائها وتوعيتهم نحو الاهتمام بصحة أطفالهم. وفي ضوء النتائج التي توصلت إليها الدراسة، خرجت الباحثة بمجموعة من التوصيات أهمها: العمل على زيادة حجم الرعاية الصحية في المناطق الريفية الفقيرة، وتقديم العلاجات مجاناً، وضرورة تركيز الاستثمار في التنمية البشرية وأن يكون موجهاً لصالح الأسر الفقيرة ليفسح لهم المجال في الحصول على فرص العمل والعيش الكريم.
- Itemحرب العام 1967تاثير ليدل هارت على الاستراتيجية العسكرية الاسرائيلية(Al-Quds University, 1999-02-08) بشير محمد احمد زاهر; Basheer Mohammad Ahmad Zaher
- Itemالحركات الاحتجاجية في مدينة القدس2009 -2019(جامعة القدس, 2019-08-21) مهند ماهر محمد علي حرزالله; Mohannad Maher Mohammad HirzallahThe study aimed to identify the protest movements in Jerusalem as one of the popular resistance methods used by the Palestinians in their resistance to the Israeli occupation, and their clinging to their land, in addition to exploring the role and impact of these protest movements in stopping or minimizing and reducing Israeli violations towards the Holy City and its residents. The importance of the study lies in revealing the method of protest movements as one of the methods of popular resistance, which is not less important than other methods, and the ability of the popular resistance to achieve urgent and future field victories in the face of the Israeli occupation. The study relied on the historical approach, the descriptive and analytical approach, and the method of systems analysis, by employing events and facts of the past to enrich it, and promoting related issues through it. The study was divided into an introduction and five chapters, the first chapter dealt with the theoretical framework and study plan and the most prominent previous studies, while the second chapter dealt with the concept of protest movements, their characteristics and tools and the most important theories explaining the protest movements, while the third chapter dealt with the status of Jerusalem in Israeli policy and Israeli violations towards Jerusalem and its residents in the political, civil, economic, social and religious aspects, and The fourth chapter dealt with the emergence of protest movements Jerusalem after Al-Aqsa Intifada, the most important tools and methods used and the challenges faced by the protest movements in Jerusalem, and finally the fifth chapter dealt with the most prominent protest movements in Jerusalem with the political, religious and social character and its role in the face of Israeli violations, whether to stop it or reduce or at least not to show the surrender of the Jerusalemites. The study confirmed that Jerusalem is subject to continuous Israeli violations, targeting it to Judaize and displace its original citizens (Palestinians), and uses ح all available means, from economic tightening, restricting movement and movement, confiscation and swallowing lands, Judaization settlement, and the separation wall, and trying to divide the Aqsa Mosque timely spatially, and other such means. The study concluded a set of results, the most prominent of which are: that the Jerusalem protest movements were able to achieve field victories and stop some violations and Israeli plans towards the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem city, such as the donation of Al-Aspat gate (electronic gates), Al-Khan al-Ahmar, and Al-Rahma gate's protestation, and the Jerusalemites worked to accumulate their victories, and the continued methods' development of protest movements. But in other cases, the protest movements did not achieve field victories and tangible results except local popular solidarity on a limited level, and sometimes the participation of foreign solidarity in very few numbers, and it was unable to stop Israeli violations, such as marches against the separation wall in some villages where the Israeli authorities confiscated Palestinian lands to expand its settlements. In contrast, the protest movements in Jerusalem, as one of the methods of popular resistance, face a number of challenges and obstacles, most notably: the Palestinian schism, the lack of a coherent strategy, the absence of tangible achievements in many cases, the absence of coordination between the networks of activists competing with each other, the absence of coordination between factions National action, official authority institutions and Jerusalemite institutions, and other challenges. The study recommended that the leaders of the Palestinian national action in Jerusalem and all the Palestinian territories need to agree on a coherent national action strategy that works to strengthen protest movements and popular resistance, and to enhance the resilience of Jerusalemites in their city in the face of continuing Israeli violations.
- Itemصفقات تبادل الأسرى الفلسطينية الإسرائيلية (صفقة 1985 – صفقة 2011)"دراسة مقارنة"(Al-Quds University, 2019-12-11) أسامة معين حمدي مرتجى; Osama Moaen Hamdi MortagaThe aim of the study was to review the history of Palestinian-Israeli deals from 1968 to 2011, where tens of thousands of Palestinian prisoners were released from Israeli jails, either by peaceful means through peaceful negotiations, or by capturing Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them for Palestinian prisoners that Israel refuses to release under false pretenses. In this study, all regional political aspects and the salient findings for each deal have been identified, focusing on the 1985 and 2011 deals The study was based on the comparative study method, the descriptive analytical method and the historical approach by employing events and occurrences of the past to enrich it, and promote the related issues raised through it. The study comprised an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. Chapter I dealt with the theoretical framework, the study plan, the main terminology used and highlighted the earlier studies. Chapter II dealt with a historical overview of the Captive National Movement in terms of formation and a review of the history of Palestinian-Israeli exchange deals. Chapter III dealt with an overview of the 1985 deal, known as the Galil deal, reviewed the local and regional environment that surrounded the deal, the main Palestinian, Israeli and Arab positions on the deal and the most notable results of the 1895 deal. Chapter IV dealt with an overview of the 2011 deal, known as the Shalit deal, reviewed the local and regional environment that surrounded the deal, the main international, Israeli and Arab positions on the deal and the main results of the 2011 deal. Finally, Chapter V dealt with the comparison between the Galilee and Shalit deals from all political, military and security aspects, and reviewed the key results and gaps that surrounded both the deals. The study also indicated that the issue of prisoners is a national consensus issue, and all factions are working by all peaceful and armed means to release Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. The study also showed that the Palestinian negotiator would be stronger if there was a popular foster and an armed foster that imposes its conditions on the table. As well as breaking many of the norms of Israeli prevention on the release of prisoners designated by Israel as blood on their hands or prisoners of Jerusalem and the 1948 Palestinians. The study concluded with many results, the most significant of which are: the Palestinian factions managed, despite all odds, to release a large group of prisoners whom Israel refuses to release, most of those who were freed in both the deals were leaders of the national and Islamic action, and that the Israeli occupier only understands the language of force to achieve the demands and issues of our Palestinian people. And that there is great popular unity about the issue of prisoners, despite the ultimate price that our people paid in return for holding the Israeli prisoners. Finally, the international community seriously acted because of the Israeli pressure to release the Israeli prisoners held by the Palestinian factions.
- Itemالسجون والمعتقلات الإسرائيلية وآثارها الاجتماعية على الأسرى الفلسطينيين وأهاليهم(Al-Quds University, 2020-12-21) زياد علي حسن القواسمه; Ziad Ali Hasan AlqawasmiThis research aimed to identify some of the social impacts of the Israeli prisons and detention centres (detention centers are administered by the Israeli army while prisons are administered by the prison authorities) on the Palestinian prisoners/detainees and their families. It also explored the architecture of these prisons and detention centres, how they manifest colonial knowledge of subjugation, and how these eventually impact the Palestinian prisoners’/detainees’ relations with their families. The study also analyzed the Palestinian prisoners’/detainees’ lives inside the Israeli prisons and detention centres, and methods they developed to reduce the impact of imprisonment on themselves and their family members. The researcher utilized some of the ideas and concepts of Patrick Wolfe and Michel Foucault regarding settler colonialism and the formation and function of prisons within the colonial context. These were merged to inform about the Palestinian situation as manifested in Israeli prisons and detention centers, and their social impact on the Palestinian prisoners/detainees and their families. The research give an overview of the emergence of a Palestinian prisoners’ society within the Israeli prisons and detention centers (the Palestinian Detainees’ Movement) and identified the most important bodies within that society as well its various social relations and the social groups. The study covered the stages in which the prisoners/detainees developed methods to break the forced isolation imposed upon them by cutting them off from their families and their broader community. One of the main steps was the phenomenon of “distant insemination” whereby a prisoner/detainee is able to have his sperm smuggled out to reach his wife who in turn undergoes artificial insemination - this enables the couple to have a family with children despite being apart. Other steps included smuggling cell phones to the incarcerated, and acquiring education and academic degrees during imprisonment and detention. The research refers to (Durkheim’s theory of) social solidarity and the theory of perceptual disorders to understand how the Palestinian Detainees’ Movement confronted the social effects of incarceration upon them and their families. The main research problem the research addressed was to analyze the negative impact of the policies and practices of the Israeli prison/detention administrations on the Palestinian prisoners/detainees and their families. The study adopted two analytical methods – the quantitative and qualitative (described above); it also utilized historical analysis. The quantitative aspect of the research entailed data collected through 143 questionnaires distributed among incarcerated prisoners/detainees; this in addition to three interviews that were conducted: one with a Palestinian prisoner in prison, and another two with Palestinian officials involved in prisoners’ affairs. Furthermore, the researcher’s own personal experience provided additional insight into the research given that he spent over 17 years in Israeli prisons and detention centers. The most important outcomes of the research were: Israeli prisons and detention centers constitute an important apparatus of Israeli settler-colonization to isolate Palestinians who counter their policies to subjugate them while usurping their land. Insight is provided about the architecture design and technical set-up of the Israeli prisons and detention centers, in addition to their internal-systems and regulations over the prisoners/detainees targeting their being, their consciousness, and their spirit – these impact the prisoners/detainees and their families socially particularly as they are isolated from their families and larger community. The study also found that the prisoners/detainees inside the Israeli prisons and detention centers succeeded in establishing their own society to address the social effects of incarceration upon them and their families. Official and unofficial Palestinian institutions have worked in solidarity with the prisoners and detainees to support them in confronting the negative effects of their incarceration upon them and their families. The researcher found that the Palestinian internal factional divisions negatively impacted the effectiveness of countering the effects of incarceration and weakened the strength of the prisoners' community inside the prisons and detention centers. The main outcomes of the research were: Israeli prisons and detentions centers are an important apparatus of Israeli colonization of Palestinian land. Furthermore, the architecture of the prisons and detention centers as well as the systems and regulations therein, constantly monitor the prisoners and detainees targeting their being, conscience and spirit; these have significant impact on the prisoners/detainees and their families. These effects increase as their isolation is increased from family and community. The study also shows that the Palestinian prisoners/detainees inside the Israeli prisons and detention centers were able to establish their own society, which has countered the effects upon them and their families. Palestinian official and unofficial organizations have helped the prisoners/detainees by defending their rights and by providing assistance to their families. However, the research shows that the Palestinian division has impacted negatively upon the prisoners/detainees and their achievements inside the prisons and detention centers, weakening the prisoners’ society. The main recommendations the researcher provides are: the need to develop Palestinian policies that dismantle the settler-colonial thought and practices manifested in Israeli prisons and detention centers, and to go beyond merely describing violations. The researcher also emphasized the need to support the Palestinian Detainees’ Movement in multiple ways as it represents the cornerstone for facing Israeli policies inside the prisons and detention centers; it is also necessary to include Palestinian prisoners/detainees in the Palestinian leadership. The researcher also recommended to support the prisoners/detainees in their steps: to resist the effects of the Israeli prisons and detention centers upon them and their families, to support the process of “distant insemination” as a way to overcome social isolation, to develop academic education in the prisons and detention centers, to make Israeli authorities install public telephones inside the prison sections, and to support the Palestinian Detainees’ Movement in countering the Israeli prison and detention authorizes. Furthermore, the researcher recommended to spare the prisoners/detainees from the Palestinian factional political rivalry and division, and to develop in unity an effective mechanism for prisoners’ release. A final recommendation was to conduct further research and studies covering the various aspects of this topic as a way of giving it the attention it deserves in the academic domain.