Israelis Studies
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- Itemالإستيطان الإسرائيلي وأثره على العملية السلمية وفق رؤية حل الدولتين1993-2013(Al-Quds University, 2014-06-28) ديب احمد حسين الحجاجرة; Deeb Ahmad Al Hajajreh
- Itemواقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد وآليات الحد منه(جامعة القدس, 2021-08-14) ريم أحمد محمد الزير; Reem Ahmad Mohammd Zairهدفت الدراسة التعرف إلى واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد وآليات الحد منه في جنوب محافظة الخليل، ولتحقيق أهداف الدراسة، استخدمت الباحثة المنهج الوصفي والمنهج النوعي، حيث استخدمت الدراسة الاستبانة لقياس الفقر متعدد الأبعاد، كذلك استخدمت اداة المقابلة، وتكون مجتمع الدراسة من جميع الأسر الفقيرة في جنوب محافظة الخليل، وتم تطبيق الدراسة على عينة مكونة من (197) أسرة فقيرة، تم اختيارها بالطريقة القصدية، كذلك استخدمت الباحثة المنهج النوعي من خلال إجراء مقابلات مع عدد من المسؤولين، بهدف تدعيم نتائج أسئلة الإستبانة، التي كان من أهمها واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل من وجهة نظر الفئة المستهدفة جاء بدرجة متوسطة. كما توصلت الدراسة إلى عدم وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية بين متوسطات واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل تبعاً لمتغير الجنس، وحجم الاسرة، ونوع التجمع. بينما توصلت الدراسة إلى وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية بين متوسطات واقع الفقر متعدد الأبعاد في جنوب محافظة الخليل تبعاً لمتغير المستوى التعليمي لرب الأسرة، لصالح الأمي، والاستهلاك الشهري لصالح الذين استهلاكهم الشهري (أكثر من 3000). أما بالنسبة لنتائج المقابلات فقد تركزت نتائجها حول ضرورة التمكين الاقتصادي للأسر الفقيرة من خلال المشاريع التنموية والإعداد المهني لأفراد الأسر الفقيرة حتى يتمكنوا من الاندماج في سوق العمل، لكي يتمكنوا من الاعتماد على أنفسهم، بدلاً من الاعتماد الكلي على المساعدات المقدمة لهم، كما بينت نتائج المقابلات إلى أنه من الضروري رفع مستوى الوعي والثقافة لدى الأسر الفقيرة من خلال تثقيفها بضرورة تعليم أبنائها وتوعيتهم نحو الاهتمام بصحة أطفالهم. وفي ضوء النتائج التي توصلت إليها الدراسة، خرجت الباحثة بمجموعة من التوصيات أهمها: العمل على زيادة حجم الرعاية الصحية في المناطق الريفية الفقيرة، وتقديم العلاجات مجاناً، وضرورة تركيز الاستثمار في التنمية البشرية وأن يكون موجهاً لصالح الأسر الفقيرة ليفسح لهم المجال في الحصول على فرص العمل والعيش الكريم.
- Itemحرب العام 1967تاثير ليدل هارت على الاستراتيجية العسكرية الاسرائيلية(Al-Quds University, 1999-02-08) بشير محمد احمد زاهر; Basheer Mohammad Ahmad Zaher
- Itemالحركات الاحتجاجية في مدينة القدس2009 -2019(جامعة القدس, 2019-08-21) مهند ماهر محمد علي حرزالله; Mohannad Maher Mohammad HirzallahThe study aimed to identify the protest movements in Jerusalem as one of the popular resistance methods used by the Palestinians in their resistance to the Israeli occupation, and their clinging to their land, in addition to exploring the role and impact of these protest movements in stopping or minimizing and reducing Israeli violations towards the Holy City and its residents. The importance of the study lies in revealing the method of protest movements as one of the methods of popular resistance, which is not less important than other methods, and the ability of the popular resistance to achieve urgent and future field victories in the face of the Israeli occupation. The study relied on the historical approach, the descriptive and analytical approach, and the method of systems analysis, by employing events and facts of the past to enrich it, and promoting related issues through it. The study was divided into an introduction and five chapters, the first chapter dealt with the theoretical framework and study plan and the most prominent previous studies, while the second chapter dealt with the concept of protest movements, their characteristics and tools and the most important theories explaining the protest movements, while the third chapter dealt with the status of Jerusalem in Israeli policy and Israeli violations towards Jerusalem and its residents in the political, civil, economic, social and religious aspects, and The fourth chapter dealt with the emergence of protest movements Jerusalem after Al-Aqsa Intifada, the most important tools and methods used and the challenges faced by the protest movements in Jerusalem, and finally the fifth chapter dealt with the most prominent protest movements in Jerusalem with the political, religious and social character and its role in the face of Israeli violations, whether to stop it or reduce or at least not to show the surrender of the Jerusalemites. The study confirmed that Jerusalem is subject to continuous Israeli violations, targeting it to Judaize and displace its original citizens (Palestinians), and uses ح all available means, from economic tightening, restricting movement and movement, confiscation and swallowing lands, Judaization settlement, and the separation wall, and trying to divide the Aqsa Mosque timely spatially, and other such means. The study concluded a set of results, the most prominent of which are: that the Jerusalem protest movements were able to achieve field victories and stop some violations and Israeli plans towards the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem city, such as the donation of Al-Aspat gate (electronic gates), Al-Khan al-Ahmar, and Al-Rahma gate's protestation, and the Jerusalemites worked to accumulate their victories, and the continued methods' development of protest movements. But in other cases, the protest movements did not achieve field victories and tangible results except local popular solidarity on a limited level, and sometimes the participation of foreign solidarity in very few numbers, and it was unable to stop Israeli violations, such as marches against the separation wall in some villages where the Israeli authorities confiscated Palestinian lands to expand its settlements. In contrast, the protest movements in Jerusalem, as one of the methods of popular resistance, face a number of challenges and obstacles, most notably: the Palestinian schism, the lack of a coherent strategy, the absence of tangible achievements in many cases, the absence of coordination between the networks of activists competing with each other, the absence of coordination between factions National action, official authority institutions and Jerusalemite institutions, and other challenges. The study recommended that the leaders of the Palestinian national action in Jerusalem and all the Palestinian territories need to agree on a coherent national action strategy that works to strengthen protest movements and popular resistance, and to enhance the resilience of Jerusalemites in their city in the face of continuing Israeli violations.
- Itemصفقات تبادل الأسرى الفلسطينية الإسرائيلية (صفقة 1985 – صفقة 2011)"دراسة مقارنة"(Al-Quds University, 2019-12-11) أسامة معين حمدي مرتجى; Osama Moaen Hamdi MortagaThe aim of the study was to review the history of Palestinian-Israeli deals from 1968 to 2011, where tens of thousands of Palestinian prisoners were released from Israeli jails, either by peaceful means through peaceful negotiations, or by capturing Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them for Palestinian prisoners that Israel refuses to release under false pretenses. In this study, all regional political aspects and the salient findings for each deal have been identified, focusing on the 1985 and 2011 deals The study was based on the comparative study method, the descriptive analytical method and the historical approach by employing events and occurrences of the past to enrich it, and promote the related issues raised through it. The study comprised an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. Chapter I dealt with the theoretical framework, the study plan, the main terminology used and highlighted the earlier studies. Chapter II dealt with a historical overview of the Captive National Movement in terms of formation and a review of the history of Palestinian-Israeli exchange deals. Chapter III dealt with an overview of the 1985 deal, known as the Galil deal, reviewed the local and regional environment that surrounded the deal, the main Palestinian, Israeli and Arab positions on the deal and the most notable results of the 1895 deal. Chapter IV dealt with an overview of the 2011 deal, known as the Shalit deal, reviewed the local and regional environment that surrounded the deal, the main international, Israeli and Arab positions on the deal and the main results of the 2011 deal. Finally, Chapter V dealt with the comparison between the Galilee and Shalit deals from all political, military and security aspects, and reviewed the key results and gaps that surrounded both the deals. The study also indicated that the issue of prisoners is a national consensus issue, and all factions are working by all peaceful and armed means to release Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. The study also showed that the Palestinian negotiator would be stronger if there was a popular foster and an armed foster that imposes its conditions on the table. As well as breaking many of the norms of Israeli prevention on the release of prisoners designated by Israel as blood on their hands or prisoners of Jerusalem and the 1948 Palestinians. The study concluded with many results, the most significant of which are: the Palestinian factions managed, despite all odds, to release a large group of prisoners whom Israel refuses to release, most of those who were freed in both the deals were leaders of the national and Islamic action, and that the Israeli occupier only understands the language of force to achieve the demands and issues of our Palestinian people. And that there is great popular unity about the issue of prisoners, despite the ultimate price that our people paid in return for holding the Israeli prisoners. Finally, the international community seriously acted because of the Israeli pressure to release the Israeli prisoners held by the Palestinian factions.