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    (5)<<باحثٌ وأديبٌ مقدسيّ… الباحث والأديب المقدسي <<محمود شقير
    (جامعة القدس - مركز دراسات القدس, 2024-03) عزيز العصا
    هي القدس، مدينة ملهمة لكل من يرتبط بها، فما بالك لمن يعبرها يوميًّا؛ ببرنامج يوميّ، فيها يتعلم، ومنها ينهل المعرفة، وهي مصدر ثقافته، بل هي المرضع برضعات ما إن يرتشفها المرء، في أي عمر كان، إلا وتركت فيه ما يستحيل محوه من عشق المكان، وصدق الانتماء، حتى تصبح القدس- الأم الحضن الدافئ عندما تهبّ الريح الصرصر وعواصف الزمن الرديء والحضن الآمن عندما يدلهمّ الخطب. وعليه، فإن القادمين إلى القدس من محيطها وأطرافها، يشكل التصاقهم بها، والتضحية دفاعًا عنها، رديفاً وسنداً لأهلها القابضين عليها، والمتمسكين بكل ذرة من ترابها الطهور. ويشهد التاريخ على أبطال وقادة فكر وعلم وأدب…الخ، كانوا نعم الرافد وهم يتجلون في قدسهم بعبقرياتهم وإبداعاتهم التي كانت تعيد صياغة المدينة؛ حضارة وتراثًا، وتؤكد على ملامح عروبتها وإسلاميتها. يعدّ الأدب وسيلة ومنهجاً في التوثيق للمكان؛ ففي السرديات، أيًّا كان نوعها- ملحمة أو رواية أو مقالة أو قصة - وفي الأشعار، النابعة من عمق الأحاسيس الصادقة… في ذلك كله يكون القلم هو السلاح الأكثر مضاء في حماية المكان وتاريخه وحفظ حضارته! كما دأبنا في آخر أربعة أعداد من مجلة المقدسية؛ وهي مجلة من القدس وإليها، سنستضيف في هذا العدد(22) من المجلة مقدسًّا مختلفًا إلى جدّ ما بما يتميز به من سمات الأديب الذي لا يُشقُّ له غبار في الأجناس الأدبية المختلفة؛ فهو كاتب قصّة من الطراز الأول، وروائيّ مبدع، وهو على رأس عمله الإبداعي, ومنهمك في العطاء, يوميًّا، أطال الله في عمره. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات..الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلاً!
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    (8)باحثٌ ومؤرخ ومؤلّف وأثريّ ومرمّم مقدسيّ.. د.نظمي الجعبة
    (جامعة القدس, 2025-01) عزيز العصا
    سيبقى التاريخ يذكر، بحروف من نور، تلك المبادرة الإبداعية والشجاعة للمرحوم الحاج أمين الحسيني، عندما ناشد عائلات الخليل تغذية القدس بالكوادر البشرية؛ من أجل حماية المدينة المقدسة من المخططات التآمريّة البريطانية - الصهيوني، التي كانت تستهدف عروبة المدينة وإسلاميتها، فهبّ أبناء الخليل، وقطنوا المدينة، إلى جانب إخوانهم المسلمين والمسيحيين من سكانها الأصليين، الذين تعود جذورهم التاريخية، في المدينة، إلى مئات السنين، لاسيما منذ تحريرها من الصليبيين، على يد القائد صلاح الدين الأيوبيّ. فأعيد تشكيل المدينة، ديمغرافيًّا، ما جعلها عصيّة على محاولات الإخلال بها لصالح اليهود. سنستضيف في هذا العدد (25) من مجلة المقدسيّة ضيفًا مقدسيًّا حضرت عائلته من الخليل، وقد ولد في حارة الشرف، وسط البلدة القديمة من القدس المسوّرة، فاكتحلت عيناه، منذ خطواته الأولى، بما يحلم أي فرد في العالم برؤيته؛ إنه المسجد الأقصى المبارك بتفاصيله الأخاذة، وبما يحيط به من عمران وحضارة، وكنيسة القيامة، وما يرتبط بها من دلالات دينية وحضارية وتاريخية أيضًا. إنه الباحث والمؤرخ والآثاريّ د.نظمي الجعبة، المقدسي الذي لم يبتعد عن القدس إلا لغرض التأهيل الأكاديمي والعلمي، فكتب عن القدس ما أثرى به المكتبة العربية، والمكتبات الأجنبية، من مختلف اللغات، بالمؤلفات والبحوث، التي تشكل ذخرًا مهمًّا للأجيال القادمة من الباحثين. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف/ة قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته/ا الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات…الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف/ة، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلًا. ضيف العدد د.نظمي الجعبة القدس بيته وخزان ذكرياته ومرتع طفولته..تعلّم في مدارسها، ونهل من تراثها.. ارتقى في تخصص التاريخ والآثار حتى أعلى المراتب العلميّة؛ فأرّخ للقدس، وتتبع آثارها، وكتب عنها، ولا يزال على هذا الدرب…..
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    Al-Maqdisiyah in English- Identity and Promise
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Imad Abu Kishk
    A new chapter is unfolding for al-Maqdisiyah, the quarterly journal published by al-Quds University. For six years, it has consistently emerged in Arabic, from Beirut, Cairo, and Ramallah, reflecting the pulse of Jerusalem. Now, with the release of its inaugural English issue, the journal embarks on an exciting journey of expansion, with plans to eventually include a French edition as well. Following the steady and evolving success of its twenty-fourth Arabic issue, which has delved into the complex issues surrounding Jerusalem, al-Maqdisiyah in English brings together distinguished articles and studies from the four 2024 Arabic issues, translated to engage a wider audience. This first English edition shifts the journal from its original Arab focus to a broader, global platform, aiming to extend its message of Jerusalem identity and struggles. It continues to present the city’s affairs, as captured by the pens of Jerusalem’s own people, Palestinians, Arabs, and all those who defend the true Arab identity of the city. These voices stand against the efforts to distort Jerusalem’s spiritual, historical, demographic, and geographical features. The English version of al-Maqdisiyah seeks to counteract the ongoing attempt to erase the city’s identity through the Israeli occupation’s aggressive policies, including settlement expansion, Judaization, and the systematic practices of apartheid, discrimination, ethnic cleansing, and displacement. The journal remains steadfast in its role as an objective, scholarly platform, countering the forces that try to manipulate Jerusalem’s history, its land, and its people. In its new form, al-Maqdisiyah will continue to amplify the truth, striving for a just and lasting peace for the Palestinian people. It upholds the vision of ending the occupation and securing the freedom and independence of Palestine-goals that resonate deeply with the broader aspirations for peace across the region and the world. The English version will carry forward the mission of the Arabic edition–defending Jerusalem’s identity, documenting its issues with academic rigor, and contributing to the body of knowledge on the city. It reflects al-Quds University’s ongoing commitment to both academic excellence and national responsibility toward Jerusalem. Al-Maqdisiyah will remain an essential intellectual resource, providing objective studies grounded in scientific methodology, ensuring its contributions to the broader global conversation on Jerusalem’s future. As a key component of al-Quds University’s mission, al-Maqdisiyah in English serves as a vital link between the city of Jerusalem and its Arab and global communities. It stands as a testament to the university’s dedication to safeguarding Jerusalem’s identity, educating the world about Israel’s targeting the city, and providing insight into the many intellectual, political, social, cultural, and legal dimensions of Jerusalem’s past, present, and future. Guided by the esteemed Professor Sa’eed Abu ’Ali, founder of al-Maqdisiyah in both languages, and supported by Professors Walid Salem, ’Aziz al-’Assa, and a dedicated new team for the English edition, al-Maqdisiyah warmly welcomes all objective, peace-driven voices devoted to Jerusalem – the City of Peace. This publication seeks to illuminate Jerusalem’s rich and complex dimensions – intellectual, cultural, and human significance. As a gateway to coexistence, tolerance, and the elevation of human values, Jerusalem stands as a beacon of harmony and the higher ideals of humanity. With the blessings of God, this inaugural issue of al-Maqdisiyah in English marks the beginning of a new phase in the journal’s ongoing dedication to Jerusalem, the capital of the independent Palestine state.
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    Annual Report on Israeli Violations in Jerusalem Governorate – 2024
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Editorial Team
    The Jerusalem Governorate has released its annual report on the crimes and violations committed by the Israeli occupation in the occupied capital throughout the past year, 2024. The report underscores the relentless and ongoing nature of these transgressions, which permeate every aspect of life in the city, as part of a concerted effort to alter its demographic composition and erase its Palestinian Arab identity.
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    Assessment of job satisfaction and job related stress among pharmacists in the West Bank, Palestine
    (Al-Quds University - Deanship of Scientific Research, 2021-02-20) Sirhan, Jawna; Hallak, Hussein; Khdour, Maher
    Job satisfaction is considered one of the essential factors contributing to a person’s motivation, productivity and overall well-being, the present study aimes to assess job satisfaction and job-related stress levels among pharmacists that are currently registered and practicing in Palestine. we report a cross-sectional survey, including measures of satisfaction and stress (Health Professions Stress Inventory) questionnaire. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, t-tests and one way ANOVAs. The significance level was set at P<0.05. Out of 694 questionnaires distributed, 576 were returned; 14 were not completed and excluded from analysis giving a net of 554 (79.8%) participants. Most of the respondents in the analysis sample were female (58.3%) working in community pharmacies (73.6%). The level of job satisfaction was 58.5%, the variables that contributed to the statistically significant, differences in the degree of job satisfaction were the region (p<0.001) and the monthly income (p<0.001). The t-tests and ANOVA analyses revealed that hospital pharmacists were the least likely to respond that job conflicts with family responsibility as a source of stress compared with community pharmacists (3.11 vs 2.14; p<0.001) and least likely scores in the professional recognition domain (3.21 vs. 2.79; p =0.04), respectively. Other job stressors like excessive work load, lack of promotion opportunities and poor physician pharmacists’ relationship have also been reported. Work life of pharmacists should be enhanced in order to improve their motivation and ability, because failure to reduce stress among workers puts both pharmacists and patients at risk.
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    Characterization of Leishmania Ulcers Microbiota Using Next Generation Sequencing
    (Al-Quds University - Deanship of Scientific Research, 2021-02-20) Ereqat, Suheir; Al-Jawabreh, Amer; Abdeen, Ziad; Al-Jwabreh, Hanan; Nasereddin, Abedelmajeed
    The human skin microbiome is a major source of bacteria in cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL) ulcers following the fall of the crust and the subsequent formation of a shallow depression in the epidermis and dermis of the skin. As a result, secondary bacterial infections are frequently observed which impair the healing process. Our study aimed to investigate the bacterial communities in CL lesions using next-generation sequencing. A total of 298 patients (178 males and 120 females; the median age of 17) presenting ulcerated skin lesions suspected with CL were included in this study. CL was confirmed in 153 (51%) cases by ITS1-PCR and/ or microscopy. Based on bacterial 16S rRNA-PCR, 92 samples were positive for the presence of bacteria, while 206 samples were negative and excluded from the microbiome study. A total of 925 Operational Taxonomic Units (OTUs) were identified and assigned to 215 genera. Despite an insignificant difference in the microbiome composition between CL and non-CL lesions, the phylum level analysis revealed that Actinobacteria was significantly higher in CL ulcers while Proteobacteria was significantly higher in non-CL ulcers (X2, P=0.039). The relative abundance of the most commonly encountered skin pathogens i. e E. coli, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Enterobacter, Enterococcus and Acinetobacter species were significantly higher in non-CL ulcers (X2, P<0.05) compared to Staphylococcus aureusand Proteus mirabilis which was higher in CL ulcers (P<0.05). Our data showed that bacterial communities did not cluster according to the Leishmania infection. Nonetheless, bacterial diversity was lower in CL compared to non-CL lesions. Presence of pathogenic bacteria in CL lesions such as S. aureus might exacerbate lesions, hinder diagnosis, and delay healing.
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    Cluster analysis for food group consumption patterns in a national sample of Palestinian schoolchildren: Evidence from HBSC Survey 2013-2014
    (Al-Quds University - Deanship of Scientific Research, 2021-02-20) Qasrawi, Radwan; Al Halawa, Diala Abu; Ayyad, Rawan; Al Sabbah, Halema; Taweel, Haneen; Abdeen, Ziad
    Background: Promoting a healthy diet and lifestyle to reduce the national burden of nutrition-related problems among Palestinians requires an understanding of food consumption trends and patterns. Few studies have examined the food consumption patterns with the macro and micronutrient intakes and nutrition risk factors. The objective of this study was to study the food frequency and nutrient intake consumption patterns of Palestinian schoolchildren and their associations with the socioeconomic and risk factors.This is a national cross-sectional descriptive study conducted on Palestinian schoolchildren from the West Bank. The study examined the food consumption patterns of the macro and micronutrient intakes and nutrition risk factors among 1945 students aged 11-16 years. The data collected using the food frequency questionnaire and 24-hour recall that was administered by trained field workers. Food groups’ classification, nutrient intakes, body mass index (BMI) Z-scores, and socioeconomic differences were examined across the food groups’ patterns of consumption. We employed Z-score and K-Means cluster analysis to identify food consumption patterns and to examine factors associated with nutrient intakes. The food frequency results identified three food consumption clusters including the traditional, non-traditional, and mixed pattern. A total of 796 students (41%) were in traditional cluster, 458 (23.5%) in non-traditional cluster, and 691(35.5%) in mixed cluster. The nutrient intakes identified three clusters (High, Moderate, and Low consumption patterns) out of macronutrient, vitamins, and minerals categories. Most of the students located in the low consumption cluster for macronutrient, vitamins, and minerals clusters (66.9%, 67.7%, and 64 %) respectively. The traditional cluster was associated with healthy, non-obese, and physically active students and the non-traditional cluster was associated with unhealthy and obese students, but both shown significantly different across the identified clusters. Imbalance in dietary intakes among schoolchildren reflects a lack of dietary diversity. High sugar, fats and oils, and beverages consumption, low consumption of grains, fruits, beans and legumes, and meat are noticed in Palestinian schoolchildren. The findings indicated the importance of considering the food groups' intake variations among Palestinian schoolchildren. As the segments relate to children’s health, nutrition diet programs should consider the high scores of non-traditional and mixed food consumption among schoolschildren.
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    East Jerusalem after the 1967 Occupation: Policies of Annexation and Marginal Integration Amidst Extermination and Expulsion
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Walid Salem
    This study traces the socio-economic policies imposed by the Israeli occupation on Jerusalem, examining them across three distinct phases. The first phase, spanning from the aftermath of the 1967 war until 2001, saw the establishment and implementation of evacuation policies. During this period, what remained of East Jerusalem was annexed into Israeli institutions and economy, severing its ties with Palestinian society and economy. The occupation worked to create a society within a society, and an economy replacing another. Contrary to the claim that these policies are a recent development, the paper argues that the measures taken post-1967 were instrumental in laying the foundation for these practices. This builds on prior studies, such as those by Azm (2018, 2019) and Mahfouz (2019), which also focus on the occupation’s policies in recent years. The second phase marked a shift from evacuation and annexation to the marginal integration of East Jerusalem into the Israeli economy. This period, beginning in 2001 with the construction of the separation wall and the closure of Palestinian institutions in the city, continued the process of evacuation. The economic integration of Palestinian workers—both white and blue-collar—into lower-tier roles within the Israeli labor market and the expanding settlement economy became a key focus. The aim was to reduce the disparities between settlers living in East Jerusalem and Israelis inside Israel. At the same time, dual social policies were applied to Palestinians, including identity revocation, subjugation to Israeli institutions, and attempts to distort their national identity. There was also an effort to foster the illusion of a distinct «Jerusalemite» identity, separate from Palestinian identity, for some residents. This second phase laid the groundwork for the third phase, characterized by two divergent strategies. The first strategy extended the socio-economic engineering of previous policies but sought to decisively shift Palestinians from mere coexistence in Jerusalem to declaring loyalty to the state and its policies. The second strategy, however, argues that earlier socio-economic measures failed to subdue Palestinians, who continued to resist Israeli rule. This approach advocates for a harsher stance, whereby Palestinians are forced to submit to Israeli authority, their national demands crushed. Those who comply would be relegated to low-status sectors in the Israeli economy, while those who resist must either leave, declare war, or face death. This approach reflects the broader vision outlined in the Pipes and Smotrich plan, which targets all Palestinians, not just Jerusalemites. The relevance of this paper lies in its examination of the overt socio-economic policies practiced by the occupation in recent years. Finally, the paper explores Palestinian responses to these policies and offers insights into the possible future trajectories, given the ongoing developments on the ground.
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    Editorial of al-Maqdisiyah – Issue No. 2
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Said Abu Ali
    This second English-language issue of al-Maqdisiyah is published in a moment of grave and fateful developments surrounding the Palestinian cause. It emerges while Gaza endures a campaign of annihilation—a war of extermination and calculated destruction targeting every vestige of life—spilling into the West Bank, particularly its northern regions (Jenin and Tulkarm), alongside Area C and the city of Jerusalem. This ferocious assault has laid bare the true objectives of the war: the forced displacement of Gaza’s inhabitants through the ruthless deployment of military machinery against a defenseless civilian population, and the deliberate eradication of all means of dignified existence. The intent is unmistakable—to leave no path open to the surviving civilians but what the occupation cynically describes as “voluntary migration.” Such an outcome aligns with the vision once voiced by Trump: that the war should persist until its aim is achieved—displacing the people of Gaza, relocating them beyond their homeland into neighboring countries, chiefly Egypt. Only then, it is claimed, can Gaza be “rebuilt”—a process envisioned to stretch over many years, culminating in the creation of a “Middle Eastern Riviera” under American ownership or control. In this vision, the land is not homeland, but real estate; its people not rightful heirs, but dispensable. This is a vision blind to the unalienable rights of a people, blind to the fact that Gaza and its people are an inseparable part of the Palestinian nation and its historic land. Naturally, this vision dismisses entirely the foundations of international law, tramples the principles and resolutions of the international community, and violates—flagrantly—the statutes of global justice. It stands in contempt of the rulings of international courts that have called for an end to genocide and forced displacement, and that have recognized the Palestinian people’s right to self- determination—rights foundational to peace and stability, which cannot flourish unless justice is done for the Palestinian people through the realization of the two- state solution, long echoed by the conscience of the world. Yet such a solution, long yearned for by the peoples of the region and beyond, demands first and foremost that the international community intensify its efforts— rooted in legal, moral, and humanitarian responsibility—to uphold collective security, defend human dignity, and halt the machinery of extermination. The international community must face down all efforts to uproot, erase, and silence the cause of Palestine. And if this community is to oppose Trump’s vision of exiling Gaza’s people and imposing American dominion over their ravaged land—land soaked in the blood of men, women, and children—then it must move beyond expressions of condemnation and revulsion. It must act—urgently and through all available means—to bring this genocide to an end, a genocide unfolding before the very eyes and ears of the world. This war, and the unprecedented atrocities it continues to produce under siege and starvation, pierce the conscience of any soul still awake, forcing us to ask: what is left of our humanity? What meaning does human dignity still hold? At the same time, the informed observer and seasoned politician alike know well that the genocidal campaign in Gaza, with its tactics and aims, is not disconnected from Jerusalem. Rather, the world’s preoccupation with the war has been seized upon to obscure the ongoing Judaization of the Holy City. These efforts, relentless and systematic, are conducted under the cover of the Trump administration’s recognition of Israel’s annexation of Jerusalem and the relocation of the U.S. embassy to the city. Given al-Maqdisiyah’s exclusive focus on Jerusalem, this issue is devoted to themes that speak to the present and future of the city. It begins with a critical overview of the events of 2024, a year marked by continuous assault and profound changes—both geographic and demographic—aimed at dismantling Jerusalem’s Arab identity and advancing settlement and ethnic cleansing schemes. We also examine the occupation’s repeated violations of the sanctity of Islamic and On this front, al-Maqdisiyah is proud to launch a dedicated series of articles based on a doctoral dissertation defended at al-Quds University by researcher Kamel Rayan. His work, titled The Legal Characterization of the Current “Status Quo” at al-Aqsa Mosque under Public International Law, will offer a rigorous legal lens into this critical matter. This issue also includes two vital articles: one on The Multiple Faces of Jerusalem: From Contradiction to Celebrating Diversity, which explores coexistence and the richness of demographic diversity that defines Jerusalem’s character as a city of heavenly faiths; and another essay on Palestine and Sartre in Contemporary Arab Thought, probing Sartre’s philosophical frameworks and their relevance to the Palestinian question. Furthermore, this issue features the annual report by the Jerusalem Governorate documenting Israeli violations in the city, and a summary of the oral argument presented by international lawyer Professor Ralph Wilde before the International Court of Justice on behalf of the League of Arab States, concerning the legal consequences of Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. The issue concludes with a tribute to a towering Jerusalemite figure—Shams al- Din al-Maqdisi—widely recognized in historical and scholarly sources as the greatest Arab traveler known to history. His legacy continues to illuminate the cultural grandeur of Jerusalem. As al-Maqdisiyah aspires to sustain its English-language publication, it extends an open invitation to all scholars and objective writers concerned with Jerusalem’s fate. Submissions originally in Arabic are welcome, as translation support is available. We likewise welcome observations and suggestions that may further elevate the magazine and deepen its contribution to Jerusalem’s identity—as a sacred city of faith, tolerance, and peace.
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    Epidemiology of Enterobiasis in Palestine
    (Al-Quds University - Deanship of Scientific Research, 2021-02-20) Hamarsheh, Omar
    Enteropiasis is a parasitic disease caused by the pinworm; Enterobius vermicularis. In this report, the prevalence of Enterobius vermicularis infection in the West Bank and Gaza strip was investigated based on Palestinian Ministry of Health reports from 2008 to 2018. A total of 29,390 cases was reported, 29,061 (98.9%) in the West Bank, and 329 cases (1.1%) in Gaza Strip. The results of the present study show that E. vermicularis infection is highly prevalent among people living in the West Bank and to lesser extend in Gaza Strip. There is a need for joint and concentrated efforts from the Palestinian government and public health services to control this infection. Personal hygiene, education and living conditions and overcrowding are risk factors associated with the spread of infection.
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    Establishment of CD4 and CD8 Lymphocyte subsets in a healthy HIV and Toxoplasma seronegative pregnant women in Libya
    (Al-Quds University - Deanship of Scientific Research, 2021-02-20) Amro, Ahmad; Gashout, Aisha; Erhuma, Mabruk; Al-Dwibe, Hamida; Almgrhe, Abeer; Abudaher, Abdulhafid
    Most of the diagnostic laboratories in Libya often depend on western textbooks for CD4+- and CD8+ T-lymphocyte reference values. In this paper, we established reference ranges for the Libyan Toxoplasma, HIV, HBV, and HCV seronegative healthy pregnant women in all trimesters of pregnancy, and compared them with a control group of non-pregnant women. Whole-blood samples were collected to provide normal ranges for CD4+ and CD8+ Lymphocyte subsets expressed as mean ± standard division. A total of 110 Libyan women who came from Tripoli and Zwara districts were investigated; 70 pregnant women (aged 27.8 ± 2.99, range 18-40 years old) and 40 non-pregnant women (aged 22.7±3.01, range 18-40 years old) were included as controls. All cases/controls were seronegative for toxoplasmosis, HIV, HBV and HCV. The CD4+ cell counts were 685±256 cell/μl at the first trimester (T1), 740±202 at T2, and 923±203 cell/μl at T3. While the CD8+ cell counts were 451±171 cell/μl at T1, 541±168 at T2, and 753±190 cell/μl at T3. The CD4:CD8 ratios were 1.5±0.64 at T1, 1.4±0.51 at T2, and 1.2±0.36 at T3. Moreover, the mean absolute CD4+ and CD8+ counts for the control group were 1001±232 cell/μl and 717±159 cell/μl respectively. Absolute counts of CD4+ and CD8+ cells in pregnant women were significantly lower as compared to controls (P<0.05). Statistically significant decrease in the CD4+ and CD8+ cell counts was reported during T1 (P<0.05). These values increased significantly during the T2, and was comparable to the controls during T3 (P>0.05). The absolute CD4+ and CD8+ cell counts decreased with age for both groups. Geographical variation was reported for the cell counts between Tripoli and Zwara district at T3. We established reference ranges of CD4+ and CD8+ T-lymphocytes for the Libyan healthy pregnant women and discussed their use as prognostic markers. Further cohorts with greater sample size may be required to define the stage of the disease in relation to the normal CD4+ and CD8+ T lymphocyte count subsets in the Libyan population.
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    History of Jerusalem Press (1995-1876)
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mahmoud Al-Fatafta
    Jerusalem, with its profound religious and political significance, has long drawn writers, intellectuals, and politicians alike. As a pivotal hub for the Palestinian national movement and international political discourse, the city has been the cradle of Palestinian journalism since its inception. The Palestinian press began to flourish in Jerusalem following the declaration of the Ottoman Constitution in 1908, continuing through World War I. The city emerged as a focal point for intellectual discourse and journalism during the 1936 Revolution and again after the Nakba in 1948.¹ The 1930s saw a significant growth in both the number and diversity of newspapers, with Jaffa emerging as a prominent center for Palestinian journalism. So much so that the director of publications regularly traveled from Jerusalem to Jaffa twice a week to oversee the press activity there, reflecting the flourishing media landscape. During this period, Palestine also witnessed the rise of «audio media» through the establishment of the «Here is Jerusalem» radio station in 1936, followed by the Near East Radio in the early 1940s. However, this media boom was short-lived due to the restrictive laws imposed by the British occupation. The escalating global events, the outbreak of World War II, and the subsequent Nakba of 1948, when Zionist forces seized many Palestinian cities, led to the looting of newspapers, printing presses, libraries, and archival materials, as well as commercial and industrial institutions.² In the wake of the Nakba, as refugees spread across the region, Jerusalem became a refuge for many journalists, newspapers, and magazines displaced from Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, and other cities. After the 1967 war and Israel’s occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories, the collapse of Palestinian political and press institutions in Jerusalem further complicated matters. Despite facing arbitrary measures, harsh laws, and periodic closures designed to weaken its role, the Palestinian press showed resilience. Newspapers continued to operate, even as journalists, writers, and photographers were subjected to arrests, assaults, and even killings.³ Following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 and the ratification of the Palestinian Press and Publications Law in 1995, the press in Jerusalem—like other Palestinian cities—experienced a revival, supported by national efforts. Even though Jerusalem remained one of the key issues awaiting a final resolution under the peace agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, the press thrived. New newspapers were launched while others ceased publication, yet Al-Quds newspaper remained a steadfast and prominent title, alongside Al-Bayader Al-Siyasi, which had been publishing since 1981.
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    International Court of Justice
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ralph Wilde
    The question answered in this article: 1. In Resolution A/RES/77/247 on 30 December 2022, the United Nations General Assembly asked the present Court to: ...render an advisory opinion on the following questions, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law, international human rights law, relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council, and the advisory opinion of the Court of 9 July 2004: (a) Israel’s actions since 1967—occupation, annexation, settlements, and discrimination—violate international law and the Palestinian right to self- determination, triggering legal duties for Israel, other states, and the global community. (b) How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status?1 2. Question (a) asks what the legal consequences are of three related matters, which are described in question (b) as “policies and practices of Israel”: (1) First, “the ongoing violation by Israel of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination”. (2) Second, “its [Israel’s] prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem”. (3) Third, “its [Israel’s] adoption of related discriminatory legislation and measures”. 3. A determination of the legal consequences of these “policies and practices” requires a determination of two sub-questions: (1) The first sub-question is, in each case, how, international law has been/is being violated—the question of legality/illegality. (2) The second sub-question is, in each case, and cumulatively, what the legal consequences of the answer to the first sub-question are for international legal persons legally implicated in the situation. 4. Question (b) asks: How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status? Paragraph (b) highlights the need for the Court to explicitly assess how Israel’s “policies and practices” impact the legal status of the occupation—not merely as background to determining legal consequences (paragraph a), but as a central legal question in its own right. 5. Paragraph (a) presents the third “policy and practice” as intrinsically linked to the denial of Palestinian self-determination and Israel’s occupation, settlement, and annexation. The second set of actions draws its legal character from the first; thus, assessing their legality hinges on the foundational violation of the right to self-determination. 6. Paragraph (b) calls on the Court to deliver a comprehensive legal assessment of the occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967—not limited to a single legal domain. This includes evaluating the legality of all three “policies and practices”: the denial of self-determination, settlement and annexation (including changes to Jerusalem), and discriminatory laws and measures. 2. Two aspects to the question on legality/illegality of the occupation 2.a. Is the existence of the occupation lawful? 7. The first legality/illegality question is whether the existence of the occupation, in and of itself, has a legal basis. If it does not, then it is existentially illegal. This question falls to be determined according to the law of self-determination and, because the occupation is a use of force, the law on the use of force. 2.b. Is the conduct of the occupation lawful? 8. The second key legal question is whether the conduct of the occupation itself is unlawful. This is assessed under multiple legal frameworks: the right to self- determination (including return), the laws of war, international humanitarian law, human rights law, and prohibitions against racial discrimination and apartheid.
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    Isam Ishaq
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    Jean-Paul Sartre and Palestine in Contemporary Arab Thought
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ahmed Atiya
    Before delving into the various stances Sartre adopted regarding the Palestinian cause—stances that led to a profound shift in how Arab intellectuals engaged with him due to his hesitations, neutrality, sympathies, and eventual alignment with the Zionist usurpation of Palestine—it is essential to first examine the prior enthusiasm Arab intellectuals harbored toward the philosopher of “commitment.” Their writings about him intertwined their hopes and aspirations with his works and ideas, creating an image that might be termed “the Arab Sartre.” Within the Arab intellectual sphere, Sartre was portrayed as the embodiment of the “human conscience” and a “storm upon the age.” Articles were dedicated to him, dialogues conducted, letters addressed to him, and extensive studies compiled—not only concerning his philosophy but also reflecting our ardent admiration for it and the great hopes we invested in it. For nearly a quarter of a century, we lived through the “Sartre era,” which commenced in our cultural landscape after World War II and held an overwhelming influence on our writings until the June 1967 War. The closing chapter of this engagement can be discerned in an article by Ibrahim Amer, published in al- Hilal in January 1968, titled After Sartre. Given its subject and timing, this study signified a dual ending: the decline of Sartre’s philosophy with the rise of structuralism, which transcended existentialism and engaged in numerous intellectual disputes with Sartre on the one hand, and the waning enthusiasm of Arab intellectuals on the other—particularly after the June 1967 War, during which Sartre aligned himself with Israel following his well-known visit to Egypt in March of that year. As a result, translations of his works diminished or ceased altogether, except for a few literary and artistic pieces. Consequently, interest in him transitioned into purely academic studies, treating him as a historical figure in philosophy rather than a living part of Arab intellectual culture, which had once played a role in shaping modern Arab thought and sentiment. This delineates two distinct phases in the Arab intellectual engagement with Sartre. The first was characterized by the rise of ideas centered on freedom, independence, progress, and social justice—concepts that had not yet been theoretically established in our consciousness. Sartre was seen as a beacon who could solidify and articulate this vision, paving the way for liberty and progress. The second phase, following the defeat of 1967, was marked by introspection, self-criticism, and a reassessment of the West—of which Sartre was a part. Just as he had taken supportive stances, he could also be swayed or fall under Zionist influence. This ambivalence is evident in our writings about him, which often reflect our own perspectives as much as they interpret his philosophy. To explore this transformation, we shall first examine a selection of testimonies from Arab writers about Sartre, shedding light on the image he occupied in the Arab intellectual and emotional landscape. We shall then analyze the diverse Arab responses to his writings and positions on the Palestinian cause and the Jewish question within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
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    Jerusalem Citadel: Between Historical Constants and the Zionist Narrative
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) ’Abla Al-Muhtadi
    From the dawn of history, humanity has witnessed countless invasions and wars, driving civilizations to develop methods of defense, fortifying their gathering places, which would later evolve into cities. One of the earliest and most vital forms of defense, particularly for cities coveted by invaders, was the construction of walls, the digging of trenches, and the building of towers and fortresses to monitor enemy movements and safeguard the city.¹ Archaeological discoveries reveal that Jerusalem's Old City stands as one of the oldest fortified Arab cities. It has been unequivocally established that the Jebusites, an ancient people, were the first to establish Jerusalem. They built their city on the Hill of ad-Duhur, located in the southeastern part of Old Jerusalem,² overlooking the village of Silwan. This was confirmed by the discovery of the Jebusite wall, dating back to the third millennium BC.³ Modern historical studies further assert that due to the city’s robust fortifications, it was once known as the Fortress of Zion,⁴ a name that predates the Hebrew presence in the region. Thus, Zion is a name with deep roots in Jerusalem’s history, long before the arrival of the Hebrews. The Jerusalem Citadel stands as a testament to the city's ancient significance, one of its most striking archaeological landmarks. Unlike most cities in the Levant and Palestine, which lacked such structures, towers and fortresses were reserved for central and vital urban centers. The citadel’s importance lies in its strategic position, built on a vulnerable lowland where the southwestern and northwestern hills converge. Rising from the remnants of earlier fortifications, it anchored the city’s wall at its most critical corner, demanding the strongest defenses.⁵
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    Jerusalem in modern Christian Thought
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mitri Raheb
    Jerusalem is a city like no other. It is a city that two people view as their national capital while three religions call it holy. In this paper we shall look at Jerusalem in modern Christian thought. There is a vast array of data which demonstrates christian statements, resolutions, and speeches regarding Jerusalem. To gain a clearer insight on the Christian discourse on Jerusalem. We chose to delve into it from three main axes: Jerusalem in the writings of the World Council of Churches. Jerusalem as addressed by the holy See, and finally, Jerusalem in the statements of the Holy Land Heads of Churches.
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    Jerusalem:Peace Between Approaches: Functionalism and dismantling of Settler Colonialism
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Board of Al-Maqdisiyah
    Peace in Palestine cannot be achieved without resolving the issue of Jerusalem through the recognition of national rights. Equally, peace for the three Abrahamic faiths and their global followers remains elusive without this resolution. Throughout history, Jerusalem has stood as the key to both war and peace. Yet in modern times, true peace has been absent due to the Zionist occupation and the exclusive claim that the city belongs solely to Jews, marginalizing others. Against this backdrop, we explore the path to securing peace in Jerusalem, and by extension, Palestine and the wider world. We critically examine the prevailing approach on the ground—a functional civil solution offered as an alternative to political and national rights in the city. This approach suggests that “Israeli peace” can be achieved by granting superficial civil rights, while sidestepping deeper issues. In contrast, we consider the reality of settler colonialism in Palestine, including Jerusalem, which underscores that lasting peace is impossible without dismantling the occupation. We then analyze the outcome of the conflict between these two opposing viewpoints. We contend that the functionalist approach cannot deliver peace to Jerusalem or Palestine. It fails to address the core issue: the colonial settlement and the Zionist claim, backed by Israel, that the city’s rights belong exclusively to Jews. This framework inherently excludes the Palestinians—Muslims and Christians alike—from their rightful claims to the city.