2. العدد الثاني - النسخة الانجليزية

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Annual Report on Israeli Violations in Jerusalem Governorate – 2024
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Editorial Team
The Jerusalem Governorate has released its annual report on the crimes and violations committed by the Israeli occupation in the occupied capital throughout the past year, 2024. The report underscores the relentless and ongoing nature of these transgressions, which permeate every aspect of life in the city, as part of a concerted effort to alter its demographic composition and erase its Palestinian Arab identity.
Editorial of al-Maqdisiyah – Issue No. 2
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Said Abu Ali
This second English-language issue of al-Maqdisiyah is published in a moment of grave and fateful developments surrounding the Palestinian cause. It emerges while Gaza endures a campaign of annihilation—a war of extermination and calculated destruction targeting every vestige of life—spilling into the West Bank, particularly its northern regions (Jenin and Tulkarm), alongside Area C and the city of Jerusalem. This ferocious assault has laid bare the true objectives of the war: the forced displacement of Gaza’s inhabitants through the ruthless deployment of military machinery against a defenseless civilian population, and the deliberate eradication of all means of dignified existence. The intent is unmistakable—to leave no path open to the surviving civilians but what the occupation cynically describes as “voluntary migration.” Such an outcome aligns with the vision once voiced by Trump: that the war should persist until its aim is achieved—displacing the people of Gaza, relocating them beyond their homeland into neighboring countries, chiefly Egypt. Only then, it is claimed, can Gaza be “rebuilt”—a process envisioned to stretch over many years, culminating in the creation of a “Middle Eastern Riviera” under American ownership or control. In this vision, the land is not homeland, but real estate; its people not rightful heirs, but dispensable. This is a vision blind to the unalienable rights of a people, blind to the fact that Gaza and its people are an inseparable part of the Palestinian nation and its historic land. Naturally, this vision dismisses entirely the foundations of international law, tramples the principles and resolutions of the international community, and violates—flagrantly—the statutes of global justice. It stands in contempt of the rulings of international courts that have called for an end to genocide and forced displacement, and that have recognized the Palestinian people’s right to self- determination—rights foundational to peace and stability, which cannot flourish unless justice is done for the Palestinian people through the realization of the two- state solution, long echoed by the conscience of the world. Yet such a solution, long yearned for by the peoples of the region and beyond, demands first and foremost that the international community intensify its efforts— rooted in legal, moral, and humanitarian responsibility—to uphold collective security, defend human dignity, and halt the machinery of extermination. The international community must face down all efforts to uproot, erase, and silence the cause of Palestine. And if this community is to oppose Trump’s vision of exiling Gaza’s people and imposing American dominion over their ravaged land—land soaked in the blood of men, women, and children—then it must move beyond expressions of condemnation and revulsion. It must act—urgently and through all available means—to bring this genocide to an end, a genocide unfolding before the very eyes and ears of the world. This war, and the unprecedented atrocities it continues to produce under siege and starvation, pierce the conscience of any soul still awake, forcing us to ask: what is left of our humanity? What meaning does human dignity still hold? At the same time, the informed observer and seasoned politician alike know well that the genocidal campaign in Gaza, with its tactics and aims, is not disconnected from Jerusalem. Rather, the world’s preoccupation with the war has been seized upon to obscure the ongoing Judaization of the Holy City. These efforts, relentless and systematic, are conducted under the cover of the Trump administration’s recognition of Israel’s annexation of Jerusalem and the relocation of the U.S. embassy to the city. Given al-Maqdisiyah’s exclusive focus on Jerusalem, this issue is devoted to themes that speak to the present and future of the city. It begins with a critical overview of the events of 2024, a year marked by continuous assault and profound changes—both geographic and demographic—aimed at dismantling Jerusalem’s Arab identity and advancing settlement and ethnic cleansing schemes. We also examine the occupation’s repeated violations of the sanctity of Islamic and On this front, al-Maqdisiyah is proud to launch a dedicated series of articles based on a doctoral dissertation defended at al-Quds University by researcher Kamel Rayan. His work, titled The Legal Characterization of the Current “Status Quo” at al-Aqsa Mosque under Public International Law, will offer a rigorous legal lens into this critical matter. This issue also includes two vital articles: one on The Multiple Faces of Jerusalem: From Contradiction to Celebrating Diversity, which explores coexistence and the richness of demographic diversity that defines Jerusalem’s character as a city of heavenly faiths; and another essay on Palestine and Sartre in Contemporary Arab Thought, probing Sartre’s philosophical frameworks and their relevance to the Palestinian question. Furthermore, this issue features the annual report by the Jerusalem Governorate documenting Israeli violations in the city, and a summary of the oral argument presented by international lawyer Professor Ralph Wilde before the International Court of Justice on behalf of the League of Arab States, concerning the legal consequences of Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. The issue concludes with a tribute to a towering Jerusalemite figure—Shams al- Din al-Maqdisi—widely recognized in historical and scholarly sources as the greatest Arab traveler known to history. His legacy continues to illuminate the cultural grandeur of Jerusalem. As al-Maqdisiyah aspires to sustain its English-language publication, it extends an open invitation to all scholars and objective writers concerned with Jerusalem’s fate. Submissions originally in Arabic are welcome, as translation support is available. We likewise welcome observations and suggestions that may further elevate the magazine and deepen its contribution to Jerusalem’s identity—as a sacred city of faith, tolerance, and peace.
International Court of Justice
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ralph Wilde
The question answered in this article: 1. In Resolution A/RES/77/247 on 30 December 2022, the United Nations General Assembly asked the present Court to: ...render an advisory opinion on the following questions, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law, international human rights law, relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council, and the advisory opinion of the Court of 9 July 2004: (a) Israel’s actions since 1967—occupation, annexation, settlements, and discrimination—violate international law and the Palestinian right to self- determination, triggering legal duties for Israel, other states, and the global community. (b) How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status?1 2. Question (a) asks what the legal consequences are of three related matters, which are described in question (b) as “policies and practices of Israel”: (1) First, “the ongoing violation by Israel of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination”. (2) Second, “its [Israel’s] prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem”. (3) Third, “its [Israel’s] adoption of related discriminatory legislation and measures”. 3. A determination of the legal consequences of these “policies and practices” requires a determination of two sub-questions: (1) The first sub-question is, in each case, how, international law has been/is being violated—the question of legality/illegality. (2) The second sub-question is, in each case, and cumulatively, what the legal consequences of the answer to the first sub-question are for international legal persons legally implicated in the situation. 4. Question (b) asks: How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status? Paragraph (b) highlights the need for the Court to explicitly assess how Israel’s “policies and practices” impact the legal status of the occupation—not merely as background to determining legal consequences (paragraph a), but as a central legal question in its own right. 5. Paragraph (a) presents the third “policy and practice” as intrinsically linked to the denial of Palestinian self-determination and Israel’s occupation, settlement, and annexation. The second set of actions draws its legal character from the first; thus, assessing their legality hinges on the foundational violation of the right to self-determination. 6. Paragraph (b) calls on the Court to deliver a comprehensive legal assessment of the occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967—not limited to a single legal domain. This includes evaluating the legality of all three “policies and practices”: the denial of self-determination, settlement and annexation (including changes to Jerusalem), and discriminatory laws and measures. 2. Two aspects to the question on legality/illegality of the occupation 2.a. Is the existence of the occupation lawful? 7. The first legality/illegality question is whether the existence of the occupation, in and of itself, has a legal basis. If it does not, then it is existentially illegal. This question falls to be determined according to the law of self-determination and, because the occupation is a use of force, the law on the use of force. 2.b. Is the conduct of the occupation lawful? 8. The second key legal question is whether the conduct of the occupation itself is unlawful. This is assessed under multiple legal frameworks: the right to self- determination (including return), the laws of war, international humanitarian law, human rights law, and prohibitions against racial discrimination and apartheid.
Jean-Paul Sartre and Palestine in Contemporary Arab Thought
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ahmed Atiya
Before delving into the various stances Sartre adopted regarding the Palestinian cause—stances that led to a profound shift in how Arab intellectuals engaged with him due to his hesitations, neutrality, sympathies, and eventual alignment with the Zionist usurpation of Palestine—it is essential to first examine the prior enthusiasm Arab intellectuals harbored toward the philosopher of “commitment.” Their writings about him intertwined their hopes and aspirations with his works and ideas, creating an image that might be termed “the Arab Sartre.” Within the Arab intellectual sphere, Sartre was portrayed as the embodiment of the “human conscience” and a “storm upon the age.” Articles were dedicated to him, dialogues conducted, letters addressed to him, and extensive studies compiled—not only concerning his philosophy but also reflecting our ardent admiration for it and the great hopes we invested in it. For nearly a quarter of a century, we lived through the “Sartre era,” which commenced in our cultural landscape after World War II and held an overwhelming influence on our writings until the June 1967 War. The closing chapter of this engagement can be discerned in an article by Ibrahim Amer, published in al- Hilal in January 1968, titled After Sartre. Given its subject and timing, this study signified a dual ending: the decline of Sartre’s philosophy with the rise of structuralism, which transcended existentialism and engaged in numerous intellectual disputes with Sartre on the one hand, and the waning enthusiasm of Arab intellectuals on the other—particularly after the June 1967 War, during which Sartre aligned himself with Israel following his well-known visit to Egypt in March of that year. As a result, translations of his works diminished or ceased altogether, except for a few literary and artistic pieces. Consequently, interest in him transitioned into purely academic studies, treating him as a historical figure in philosophy rather than a living part of Arab intellectual culture, which had once played a role in shaping modern Arab thought and sentiment. This delineates two distinct phases in the Arab intellectual engagement with Sartre. The first was characterized by the rise of ideas centered on freedom, independence, progress, and social justice—concepts that had not yet been theoretically established in our consciousness. Sartre was seen as a beacon who could solidify and articulate this vision, paving the way for liberty and progress. The second phase, following the defeat of 1967, was marked by introspection, self-criticism, and a reassessment of the West—of which Sartre was a part. Just as he had taken supportive stances, he could also be swayed or fall under Zionist influence. This ambivalence is evident in our writings about him, which often reflect our own perspectives as much as they interpret his philosophy. To explore this transformation, we shall first examine a selection of testimonies from Arab writers about Sartre, shedding light on the image he occupied in the Arab intellectual and emotional landscape. We shall then analyze the diverse Arab responses to his writings and positions on the Palestinian cause and the Jewish question within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Shams al-Din al-Maqdisi, the Great Traveler The Greatest Geographer in Human History
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ashraf Azab
The French Larousse encyclopedia, in its entry on Arab geography, states: “If the reader seeks a marvel of geography in the eleventh century, they should not look to Europe, which had descended into barbarism, but rather to the Arabs.” When scholars—both Arab and Orientalist—unanimously recognize a particular work as extraordinary, their consensus carries immense weight. And when rigorous research affirms this consensus, the work in question becomes all the more valuable and worthy of reverence. Among the rare works to have earned such distinction is The Best Divisions for the Knowledge of the Regions (Aḥsan al-Taqāsīm fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm) by al-Maqdisi. This book has commanded admiration across generations, celebrated for its originality and insight. The German scholar Sprenger hails al-Maqdisi as “the greatest geographer humanity has ever known” and asserts that no one before him matched the breadth of his travels, the depth of his observations, or the meticulous structure he imposed upon his findings. The Dutch Orientalist Kramers regards him as “the most original of Arab geographers” and deems his work “one of the most valuable geographical compositions in Arabic literature.” The Russian scholar Kratchkovsky acknowledges his “authenticity, ingenuity, and remarkable powers of observation” and describes him as “a towering geographer and one of the greatest Arab writers of all time.” Lé Strange, a leading scholar of Islamic geography, considers The Best Divisions “superior to all other works by Arab geographers and the most original among them.” Dr. Shawqi Daif calls it “a true marvel”—akin to a cinematic reel that vividly portrays the inhabitants of the world in all their distinct traits. Meanwhile, Dr. Nicola Ziadeh describes it as “a model of scientific writing—meticulously structured, systematically organized, and scrupulously classified.” The French Orientalist Régis Blachère, in his Excerpts from the Most Important Arab Geographers of the Middle Ages, asserts that al-Maqdisi’s work is indispensable for understanding the Islamic world of that era. He credits the geographer’s “ever-alert curiosity, exceptional tolerance, and rare capacity for comprehension” with making his book “a magnificent depiction of the world as he saw it, in all its vibrant complexity.” In 1906, the Dutch scholar De Goeje republished al-Maqdisi’s work in Leiden, while the German geographer Walter Christaller later drew upon his studies when formulating his Central Place Theory—a model of urban distribution in southern Germany in the early twentieth century. According to Ibrahim Said, in his book Al-Maqdisi’s Contributions to Geography and Regional Studies, al-Maqdisi stands at the pinnacle of Islamic geographical scholarship, alongside luminaries such as al-Istakhri, al-Balkhi, al-Hamdani, al- Mas‘udi, and Ibn Hawqal al-Bagdadi. His meticulous depiction of the Islamic world in the fourth century AH (tenth century CE) remains unparalleled in precision and vibrancy. Said further asserts that “al-Maqdisi holds a unique status in Arabic geography, unmatched by any Arab or non-Arab geographer, whether medieval or modern—especially in his regional methodology and approach to the study of territories.”
The Jerusalem Landscape in 2024
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Said Abu Ali
As Israel’s relentless campaign of annihilation and destruction continues to ravage Gaza, its criminal machinery has, by the end of this dark year, claimed the lives of over 150,000 martyrs and wounded countless others. The devastation is unfathomable, with over 80% of Gaza’s infrastructure obliterated under the weight of more than a thousand tons of explosives—greater in destructive power than the atomic bombs dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima. The resulting wreckage, according to UN estimates, will take over a year to clear. The world stands paralyzed, unable to halt any aspect of this catastrophe, including the ruthless starvation campaign—a humiliating indictment of the international community’s moral integrity. This siege of death extends beyond Gaza to the West Bank, where the aggression rages on unabated, marked by systematic killings, demolitions, mass arrests, forced displacements, settlement expansion, and the relentless Judaization of Palestinian lands—all sanctioned and declared as official Israeli policy. Throughout 2024, Jerusalem has borne the brunt of an intensified and expanding campaign of Judaization, with Israeli authorities executing their schemes with near-total impunity. A deafening silence pervades the political and media spheres, as if Jerusalem’s isolation and transformation into an Israeli stronghold were a foregone conclusion, barely warranting protest—let alone resistance. The prevailing Arab and Islamic responses remain largely confined to rhetorical stances that underscore a state of impotence rather than offering tangible action. It is precisely this dichotomy—between Israel’s escalating measures and the Arab and Islamic world’s reactions—that al-Maqdisiyah seeks to examine.
The Legal Characterization of the Current Status Quo at al-Aqsa Mosque Under Public International Law
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Kamel Rayan
Jerusalem, one of Palestine’s largest and most historically significant cities, holds profound religious and political importance. As the capital of the independent State of Palestine, it is revered by Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike. A historical and cultural examination of Jerusalem reveals its deeply rooted Arab identity, with an unbroken connection between the city and the Arab and Muslim worlds. This bond is anchored in its sanctity and its profound place in their faith, history, and collective consciousness. Jerusalem’s Islamic heritage is evident in its enduring, ancient sanctuaries. It was the first Qibla—the initial direction toward which Muslims turned in prayer for over sixteen months at the dawn of Islam1 . In light of the foregoing discussion on the intrinsic bond between the city of Jerusalem and its sanctified enclave, al-Aqsa Mosque, it becomes imperative to delve into the origins of the ensuing arrangements concerning the status quo and their spiritual underpinnings. This necessitates an exploration of two key aspects: first, the governance of Jerusalem under Islamic rule and its administrative divisions; and second, the location and defining landmarks of al-Aqsa Mosque, which form the basis of the regulations governing visitation and prayer within its sacred precincts.
The Many Faces of Jerusalem: From Contradiction to the Celebration of Diversity
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Walid Salem
At the Threshold of Inquiry: The Questions of Jerusalem How did Jerusalem come to be a perennial site of conflict throughout its history? Has the city, across the ages, remained a fractured, fragmented space, where the existence of the other is denied rather than acknowledged? Has there ever been a time when Jerusalem became a haven for celebrating diversity—not on the basis of contest and division, but through shared citizenship? If so, under what conditions did this become possible, and what lessons might be drawn from the past to shape a nonviolent present and future for the city? How has religion, rather than acting as a unifying force to foster common ground, become a catalyst for conflict—both between different faiths and within the sects of each religion? Why is the Palestinian national identity of Jerusalem continually threatened—targeted by ancient historical claims as well as contemporary religious ones? And why are religious claims repeatedly invoked as a pretext for asserting political sovereignty over the city? Why, too, do we fail to follow the global precedent that affirms religious rights for diverse communities within a framework of national sovereignty—one grounded in inclusive citizenship that recognizes plurality and seeks to govern it through peaceful means? Can Jerusalem overcome its entangled contradictions to become a city that embraces diversity, manages it peacefully, and honors the globally upheld right to national sovereignty and shared civic belonging? This paper revolves around these questions and proposes a framework of thought aimed at deconstructing their complexities, in pursuit of a future wherein Jerusalem may flourish as a city that celebrates diversity. It begins with a concise survey of global experiences in navigating the tension between fragmentation and plurality, with particular emphasis on the national and religious dimensions as paradigms of such governance, and the current state of global practice in this regard. The paper then turns to the case of Jerusalem, examining its manifold identities— national, religious, social-communal, cultural, and beyond. It explores how these facets manifest through the interwoven intersections and contradictions of al- Quds, Jerusalem, and Yerushalayim. Finally, the paper concludes with a vision for the city’s future—one rooted in a peaceful framework for managing its affairs through shared citizenship, inspired by the ideas of the late leader Faisal al- Husseini. His vision is revisited and reinterpreted in light of the developments that have transpired since his passing in 2001.
THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF THE AQSA MOSQUE AREA DURING THE UMAYYAD PERIOD
(Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Marwan Abu Khalaf
This paper deals with Jerusalem as one of the holiest cities for Muslims after Mecca and Medina. Its holiness is attributed from being the first Qibla (Prayer direction) and from the famous Night Journey of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) between Mecca and Jerusalem. The city received a special attention since it became an Islamic City mainly from the Second Orthodox Caliph Umar ibn al –Khattab, who came personally to capitulate the city, and from the First Umayyad Caliph Mu’awiyya Ibn Abi Sufian, who transferred the political centralization to the Holy City. The paper also focuses on the urban development of the Aqsa Mosque Area, which forms the eastern part of the pre-Islamic city, through rehabilitating the area to be convenient for the Muslims’ use. This is clearly apparent by the structure of the Aqsa Mosque’s building, done by Umar and Mu’awiya, and by the structure of the most prominent project in the history of Islamic Architecture which includes, The Dome of the Rock, The Aqsa Mosque, The Amir Palace (Dar Al-Imara), and the construction and reconstruction of walls and gates around the whole Area.

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