مجلة المقدسية

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مجلة فصلية مختصة بالشؤون المقدسية حيث تفتقد مدينة القدس لمثلها وهي التي تستحق أكثر من مجلة تتجاوز التوثيق إلى التبليغ، صوتاً نوعياً قوياً وعالياً بالتعبير عن معاناة القدس وما تتعرض له من مخططات تستهدف هويتها تاريخها حضارتها حاضرها ومستقبلها، وعن صمود أهلها ومواطنيها ونضالهم وتضحياتهم رغم شراسة الحرب الإسرائيلية المستمرة ضد أبسط حقوقهم إلى مجرد وجودهم بمدينتهم. بالتعبير عن تطلعات القدس وأهلها واصرارها على مواصلة الصمود والدفاع عن هويتها وعن قضيتها التي تجسد اليوم أكثر من أي وقت مضى هوية فلسطين وقضية فلسطين ومستقبل فلسطين فما معنى فلسطين بغير أو بدون القدس. .

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    (5)<<باحثٌ وأديبٌ مقدسيّ… الباحث والأديب المقدسي <<محمود شقير
    (جامعة القدس - مركز دراسات القدس, 2024-03) عزيز العصا
    هي القدس، مدينة ملهمة لكل من يرتبط بها، فما بالك لمن يعبرها يوميًّا؛ ببرنامج يوميّ، فيها يتعلم، ومنها ينهل المعرفة، وهي مصدر ثقافته، بل هي المرضع برضعات ما إن يرتشفها المرء، في أي عمر كان، إلا وتركت فيه ما يستحيل محوه من عشق المكان، وصدق الانتماء، حتى تصبح القدس- الأم الحضن الدافئ عندما تهبّ الريح الصرصر وعواصف الزمن الرديء والحضن الآمن عندما يدلهمّ الخطب. وعليه، فإن القادمين إلى القدس من محيطها وأطرافها، يشكل التصاقهم بها، والتضحية دفاعًا عنها، رديفاً وسنداً لأهلها القابضين عليها، والمتمسكين بكل ذرة من ترابها الطهور. ويشهد التاريخ على أبطال وقادة فكر وعلم وأدب…الخ، كانوا نعم الرافد وهم يتجلون في قدسهم بعبقرياتهم وإبداعاتهم التي كانت تعيد صياغة المدينة؛ حضارة وتراثًا، وتؤكد على ملامح عروبتها وإسلاميتها. يعدّ الأدب وسيلة ومنهجاً في التوثيق للمكان؛ ففي السرديات، أيًّا كان نوعها- ملحمة أو رواية أو مقالة أو قصة - وفي الأشعار، النابعة من عمق الأحاسيس الصادقة… في ذلك كله يكون القلم هو السلاح الأكثر مضاء في حماية المكان وتاريخه وحفظ حضارته! كما دأبنا في آخر أربعة أعداد من مجلة المقدسية؛ وهي مجلة من القدس وإليها، سنستضيف في هذا العدد(22) من المجلة مقدسًّا مختلفًا إلى جدّ ما بما يتميز به من سمات الأديب الذي لا يُشقُّ له غبار في الأجناس الأدبية المختلفة؛ فهو كاتب قصّة من الطراز الأول، وروائيّ مبدع، وهو على رأس عمله الإبداعي, ومنهمك في العطاء, يوميًّا، أطال الله في عمره. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات..الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلاً!
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    (8)باحثٌ ومؤرخ ومؤلّف وأثريّ ومرمّم مقدسيّ.. د.نظمي الجعبة
    (جامعة القدس, 2025-01) عزيز العصا
    سيبقى التاريخ يذكر، بحروف من نور، تلك المبادرة الإبداعية والشجاعة للمرحوم الحاج أمين الحسيني، عندما ناشد عائلات الخليل تغذية القدس بالكوادر البشرية؛ من أجل حماية المدينة المقدسة من المخططات التآمريّة البريطانية - الصهيوني، التي كانت تستهدف عروبة المدينة وإسلاميتها، فهبّ أبناء الخليل، وقطنوا المدينة، إلى جانب إخوانهم المسلمين والمسيحيين من سكانها الأصليين، الذين تعود جذورهم التاريخية، في المدينة، إلى مئات السنين، لاسيما منذ تحريرها من الصليبيين، على يد القائد صلاح الدين الأيوبيّ. فأعيد تشكيل المدينة، ديمغرافيًّا، ما جعلها عصيّة على محاولات الإخلال بها لصالح اليهود. سنستضيف في هذا العدد (25) من مجلة المقدسيّة ضيفًا مقدسيًّا حضرت عائلته من الخليل، وقد ولد في حارة الشرف، وسط البلدة القديمة من القدس المسوّرة، فاكتحلت عيناه، منذ خطواته الأولى، بما يحلم أي فرد في العالم برؤيته؛ إنه المسجد الأقصى المبارك بتفاصيله الأخاذة، وبما يحيط به من عمران وحضارة، وكنيسة القيامة، وما يرتبط بها من دلالات دينية وحضارية وتاريخية أيضًا. إنه الباحث والمؤرخ والآثاريّ د.نظمي الجعبة، المقدسي الذي لم يبتعد عن القدس إلا لغرض التأهيل الأكاديمي والعلمي، فكتب عن القدس ما أثرى به المكتبة العربية، والمكتبات الأجنبية، من مختلف اللغات، بالمؤلفات والبحوث، التي تشكل ذخرًا مهمًّا للأجيال القادمة من الباحثين. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف/ة قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته/ا الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات…الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف/ة، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلًا. ضيف العدد د.نظمي الجعبة القدس بيته وخزان ذكرياته ومرتع طفولته..تعلّم في مدارسها، ونهل من تراثها.. ارتقى في تخصص التاريخ والآثار حتى أعلى المراتب العلميّة؛ فأرّخ للقدس، وتتبع آثارها، وكتب عنها، ولا يزال على هذا الدرب…..
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    Al-Maqdisiyah in English- Identity and Promise
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Imad Abu Kishk
    A new chapter is unfolding for al-Maqdisiyah, the quarterly journal published by al-Quds University. For six years, it has consistently emerged in Arabic, from Beirut, Cairo, and Ramallah, reflecting the pulse of Jerusalem. Now, with the release of its inaugural English issue, the journal embarks on an exciting journey of expansion, with plans to eventually include a French edition as well. Following the steady and evolving success of its twenty-fourth Arabic issue, which has delved into the complex issues surrounding Jerusalem, al-Maqdisiyah in English brings together distinguished articles and studies from the four 2024 Arabic issues, translated to engage a wider audience. This first English edition shifts the journal from its original Arab focus to a broader, global platform, aiming to extend its message of Jerusalem identity and struggles. It continues to present the city’s affairs, as captured by the pens of Jerusalem’s own people, Palestinians, Arabs, and all those who defend the true Arab identity of the city. These voices stand against the efforts to distort Jerusalem’s spiritual, historical, demographic, and geographical features. The English version of al-Maqdisiyah seeks to counteract the ongoing attempt to erase the city’s identity through the Israeli occupation’s aggressive policies, including settlement expansion, Judaization, and the systematic practices of apartheid, discrimination, ethnic cleansing, and displacement. The journal remains steadfast in its role as an objective, scholarly platform, countering the forces that try to manipulate Jerusalem’s history, its land, and its people. In its new form, al-Maqdisiyah will continue to amplify the truth, striving for a just and lasting peace for the Palestinian people. It upholds the vision of ending the occupation and securing the freedom and independence of Palestine-goals that resonate deeply with the broader aspirations for peace across the region and the world. The English version will carry forward the mission of the Arabic edition–defending Jerusalem’s identity, documenting its issues with academic rigor, and contributing to the body of knowledge on the city. It reflects al-Quds University’s ongoing commitment to both academic excellence and national responsibility toward Jerusalem. Al-Maqdisiyah will remain an essential intellectual resource, providing objective studies grounded in scientific methodology, ensuring its contributions to the broader global conversation on Jerusalem’s future. As a key component of al-Quds University’s mission, al-Maqdisiyah in English serves as a vital link between the city of Jerusalem and its Arab and global communities. It stands as a testament to the university’s dedication to safeguarding Jerusalem’s identity, educating the world about Israel’s targeting the city, and providing insight into the many intellectual, political, social, cultural, and legal dimensions of Jerusalem’s past, present, and future. Guided by the esteemed Professor Sa’eed Abu ’Ali, founder of al-Maqdisiyah in both languages, and supported by Professors Walid Salem, ’Aziz al-’Assa, and a dedicated new team for the English edition, al-Maqdisiyah warmly welcomes all objective, peace-driven voices devoted to Jerusalem – the City of Peace. This publication seeks to illuminate Jerusalem’s rich and complex dimensions – intellectual, cultural, and human significance. As a gateway to coexistence, tolerance, and the elevation of human values, Jerusalem stands as a beacon of harmony and the higher ideals of humanity. With the blessings of God, this inaugural issue of al-Maqdisiyah in English marks the beginning of a new phase in the journal’s ongoing dedication to Jerusalem, the capital of the independent Palestine state.
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    Annual Report on Israeli Violations in Jerusalem Governorate – 2024
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Editorial Team
    The Jerusalem Governorate has released its annual report on the crimes and violations committed by the Israeli occupation in the occupied capital throughout the past year, 2024. The report underscores the relentless and ongoing nature of these transgressions, which permeate every aspect of life in the city, as part of a concerted effort to alter its demographic composition and erase its Palestinian Arab identity.
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    East Jerusalem after the 1967 Occupation: Policies of Annexation and Marginal Integration Amidst Extermination and Expulsion
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Walid Salem
    This study traces the socio-economic policies imposed by the Israeli occupation on Jerusalem, examining them across three distinct phases. The first phase, spanning from the aftermath of the 1967 war until 2001, saw the establishment and implementation of evacuation policies. During this period, what remained of East Jerusalem was annexed into Israeli institutions and economy, severing its ties with Palestinian society and economy. The occupation worked to create a society within a society, and an economy replacing another. Contrary to the claim that these policies are a recent development, the paper argues that the measures taken post-1967 were instrumental in laying the foundation for these practices. This builds on prior studies, such as those by Azm (2018, 2019) and Mahfouz (2019), which also focus on the occupation’s policies in recent years. The second phase marked a shift from evacuation and annexation to the marginal integration of East Jerusalem into the Israeli economy. This period, beginning in 2001 with the construction of the separation wall and the closure of Palestinian institutions in the city, continued the process of evacuation. The economic integration of Palestinian workers—both white and blue-collar—into lower-tier roles within the Israeli labor market and the expanding settlement economy became a key focus. The aim was to reduce the disparities between settlers living in East Jerusalem and Israelis inside Israel. At the same time, dual social policies were applied to Palestinians, including identity revocation, subjugation to Israeli institutions, and attempts to distort their national identity. There was also an effort to foster the illusion of a distinct «Jerusalemite» identity, separate from Palestinian identity, for some residents. This second phase laid the groundwork for the third phase, characterized by two divergent strategies. The first strategy extended the socio-economic engineering of previous policies but sought to decisively shift Palestinians from mere coexistence in Jerusalem to declaring loyalty to the state and its policies. The second strategy, however, argues that earlier socio-economic measures failed to subdue Palestinians, who continued to resist Israeli rule. This approach advocates for a harsher stance, whereby Palestinians are forced to submit to Israeli authority, their national demands crushed. Those who comply would be relegated to low-status sectors in the Israeli economy, while those who resist must either leave, declare war, or face death. This approach reflects the broader vision outlined in the Pipes and Smotrich plan, which targets all Palestinians, not just Jerusalemites. The relevance of this paper lies in its examination of the overt socio-economic policies practiced by the occupation in recent years. Finally, the paper explores Palestinian responses to these policies and offers insights into the possible future trajectories, given the ongoing developments on the ground.
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    Editorial of al-Maqdisiyah – Issue No. 2
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Said Abu Ali
    This second English-language issue of al-Maqdisiyah is published in a moment of grave and fateful developments surrounding the Palestinian cause. It emerges while Gaza endures a campaign of annihilation—a war of extermination and calculated destruction targeting every vestige of life—spilling into the West Bank, particularly its northern regions (Jenin and Tulkarm), alongside Area C and the city of Jerusalem. This ferocious assault has laid bare the true objectives of the war: the forced displacement of Gaza’s inhabitants through the ruthless deployment of military machinery against a defenseless civilian population, and the deliberate eradication of all means of dignified existence. The intent is unmistakable—to leave no path open to the surviving civilians but what the occupation cynically describes as “voluntary migration.” Such an outcome aligns with the vision once voiced by Trump: that the war should persist until its aim is achieved—displacing the people of Gaza, relocating them beyond their homeland into neighboring countries, chiefly Egypt. Only then, it is claimed, can Gaza be “rebuilt”—a process envisioned to stretch over many years, culminating in the creation of a “Middle Eastern Riviera” under American ownership or control. In this vision, the land is not homeland, but real estate; its people not rightful heirs, but dispensable. This is a vision blind to the unalienable rights of a people, blind to the fact that Gaza and its people are an inseparable part of the Palestinian nation and its historic land. Naturally, this vision dismisses entirely the foundations of international law, tramples the principles and resolutions of the international community, and violates—flagrantly—the statutes of global justice. It stands in contempt of the rulings of international courts that have called for an end to genocide and forced displacement, and that have recognized the Palestinian people’s right to self- determination—rights foundational to peace and stability, which cannot flourish unless justice is done for the Palestinian people through the realization of the two- state solution, long echoed by the conscience of the world. Yet such a solution, long yearned for by the peoples of the region and beyond, demands first and foremost that the international community intensify its efforts— rooted in legal, moral, and humanitarian responsibility—to uphold collective security, defend human dignity, and halt the machinery of extermination. The international community must face down all efforts to uproot, erase, and silence the cause of Palestine. And if this community is to oppose Trump’s vision of exiling Gaza’s people and imposing American dominion over their ravaged land—land soaked in the blood of men, women, and children—then it must move beyond expressions of condemnation and revulsion. It must act—urgently and through all available means—to bring this genocide to an end, a genocide unfolding before the very eyes and ears of the world. This war, and the unprecedented atrocities it continues to produce under siege and starvation, pierce the conscience of any soul still awake, forcing us to ask: what is left of our humanity? What meaning does human dignity still hold? At the same time, the informed observer and seasoned politician alike know well that the genocidal campaign in Gaza, with its tactics and aims, is not disconnected from Jerusalem. Rather, the world’s preoccupation with the war has been seized upon to obscure the ongoing Judaization of the Holy City. These efforts, relentless and systematic, are conducted under the cover of the Trump administration’s recognition of Israel’s annexation of Jerusalem and the relocation of the U.S. embassy to the city. Given al-Maqdisiyah’s exclusive focus on Jerusalem, this issue is devoted to themes that speak to the present and future of the city. It begins with a critical overview of the events of 2024, a year marked by continuous assault and profound changes—both geographic and demographic—aimed at dismantling Jerusalem’s Arab identity and advancing settlement and ethnic cleansing schemes. We also examine the occupation’s repeated violations of the sanctity of Islamic and On this front, al-Maqdisiyah is proud to launch a dedicated series of articles based on a doctoral dissertation defended at al-Quds University by researcher Kamel Rayan. His work, titled The Legal Characterization of the Current “Status Quo” at al-Aqsa Mosque under Public International Law, will offer a rigorous legal lens into this critical matter. This issue also includes two vital articles: one on The Multiple Faces of Jerusalem: From Contradiction to Celebrating Diversity, which explores coexistence and the richness of demographic diversity that defines Jerusalem’s character as a city of heavenly faiths; and another essay on Palestine and Sartre in Contemporary Arab Thought, probing Sartre’s philosophical frameworks and their relevance to the Palestinian question. Furthermore, this issue features the annual report by the Jerusalem Governorate documenting Israeli violations in the city, and a summary of the oral argument presented by international lawyer Professor Ralph Wilde before the International Court of Justice on behalf of the League of Arab States, concerning the legal consequences of Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. The issue concludes with a tribute to a towering Jerusalemite figure—Shams al- Din al-Maqdisi—widely recognized in historical and scholarly sources as the greatest Arab traveler known to history. His legacy continues to illuminate the cultural grandeur of Jerusalem. As al-Maqdisiyah aspires to sustain its English-language publication, it extends an open invitation to all scholars and objective writers concerned with Jerusalem’s fate. Submissions originally in Arabic are welcome, as translation support is available. We likewise welcome observations and suggestions that may further elevate the magazine and deepen its contribution to Jerusalem’s identity—as a sacred city of faith, tolerance, and peace.
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    History of Jerusalem Press (1995-1876)
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mahmoud Al-Fatafta
    Jerusalem, with its profound religious and political significance, has long drawn writers, intellectuals, and politicians alike. As a pivotal hub for the Palestinian national movement and international political discourse, the city has been the cradle of Palestinian journalism since its inception. The Palestinian press began to flourish in Jerusalem following the declaration of the Ottoman Constitution in 1908, continuing through World War I. The city emerged as a focal point for intellectual discourse and journalism during the 1936 Revolution and again after the Nakba in 1948.¹ The 1930s saw a significant growth in both the number and diversity of newspapers, with Jaffa emerging as a prominent center for Palestinian journalism. So much so that the director of publications regularly traveled from Jerusalem to Jaffa twice a week to oversee the press activity there, reflecting the flourishing media landscape. During this period, Palestine also witnessed the rise of «audio media» through the establishment of the «Here is Jerusalem» radio station in 1936, followed by the Near East Radio in the early 1940s. However, this media boom was short-lived due to the restrictive laws imposed by the British occupation. The escalating global events, the outbreak of World War II, and the subsequent Nakba of 1948, when Zionist forces seized many Palestinian cities, led to the looting of newspapers, printing presses, libraries, and archival materials, as well as commercial and industrial institutions.² In the wake of the Nakba, as refugees spread across the region, Jerusalem became a refuge for many journalists, newspapers, and magazines displaced from Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, and other cities. After the 1967 war and Israel’s occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories, the collapse of Palestinian political and press institutions in Jerusalem further complicated matters. Despite facing arbitrary measures, harsh laws, and periodic closures designed to weaken its role, the Palestinian press showed resilience. Newspapers continued to operate, even as journalists, writers, and photographers were subjected to arrests, assaults, and even killings.³ Following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 and the ratification of the Palestinian Press and Publications Law in 1995, the press in Jerusalem—like other Palestinian cities—experienced a revival, supported by national efforts. Even though Jerusalem remained one of the key issues awaiting a final resolution under the peace agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, the press thrived. New newspapers were launched while others ceased publication, yet Al-Quds newspaper remained a steadfast and prominent title, alongside Al-Bayader Al-Siyasi, which had been publishing since 1981.
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    International Court of Justice
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ralph Wilde
    The question answered in this article: 1. In Resolution A/RES/77/247 on 30 December 2022, the United Nations General Assembly asked the present Court to: ...render an advisory opinion on the following questions, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law, international human rights law, relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council, and the advisory opinion of the Court of 9 July 2004: (a) Israel’s actions since 1967—occupation, annexation, settlements, and discrimination—violate international law and the Palestinian right to self- determination, triggering legal duties for Israel, other states, and the global community. (b) How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status?1 2. Question (a) asks what the legal consequences are of three related matters, which are described in question (b) as “policies and practices of Israel”: (1) First, “the ongoing violation by Israel of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination”. (2) Second, “its [Israel’s] prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem”. (3) Third, “its [Israel’s] adoption of related discriminatory legislation and measures”. 3. A determination of the legal consequences of these “policies and practices” requires a determination of two sub-questions: (1) The first sub-question is, in each case, how, international law has been/is being violated—the question of legality/illegality. (2) The second sub-question is, in each case, and cumulatively, what the legal consequences of the answer to the first sub-question are for international legal persons legally implicated in the situation. 4. Question (b) asks: How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph ... (a) above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status? Paragraph (b) highlights the need for the Court to explicitly assess how Israel’s “policies and practices” impact the legal status of the occupation—not merely as background to determining legal consequences (paragraph a), but as a central legal question in its own right. 5. Paragraph (a) presents the third “policy and practice” as intrinsically linked to the denial of Palestinian self-determination and Israel’s occupation, settlement, and annexation. The second set of actions draws its legal character from the first; thus, assessing their legality hinges on the foundational violation of the right to self-determination. 6. Paragraph (b) calls on the Court to deliver a comprehensive legal assessment of the occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967—not limited to a single legal domain. This includes evaluating the legality of all three “policies and practices”: the denial of self-determination, settlement and annexation (including changes to Jerusalem), and discriminatory laws and measures. 2. Two aspects to the question on legality/illegality of the occupation 2.a. Is the existence of the occupation lawful? 7. The first legality/illegality question is whether the existence of the occupation, in and of itself, has a legal basis. If it does not, then it is existentially illegal. This question falls to be determined according to the law of self-determination and, because the occupation is a use of force, the law on the use of force. 2.b. Is the conduct of the occupation lawful? 8. The second key legal question is whether the conduct of the occupation itself is unlawful. This is assessed under multiple legal frameworks: the right to self- determination (including return), the laws of war, international humanitarian law, human rights law, and prohibitions against racial discrimination and apartheid.
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    Jean-Paul Sartre and Palestine in Contemporary Arab Thought
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ahmed Atiya
    Before delving into the various stances Sartre adopted regarding the Palestinian cause—stances that led to a profound shift in how Arab intellectuals engaged with him due to his hesitations, neutrality, sympathies, and eventual alignment with the Zionist usurpation of Palestine—it is essential to first examine the prior enthusiasm Arab intellectuals harbored toward the philosopher of “commitment.” Their writings about him intertwined their hopes and aspirations with his works and ideas, creating an image that might be termed “the Arab Sartre.” Within the Arab intellectual sphere, Sartre was portrayed as the embodiment of the “human conscience” and a “storm upon the age.” Articles were dedicated to him, dialogues conducted, letters addressed to him, and extensive studies compiled—not only concerning his philosophy but also reflecting our ardent admiration for it and the great hopes we invested in it. For nearly a quarter of a century, we lived through the “Sartre era,” which commenced in our cultural landscape after World War II and held an overwhelming influence on our writings until the June 1967 War. The closing chapter of this engagement can be discerned in an article by Ibrahim Amer, published in al- Hilal in January 1968, titled After Sartre. Given its subject and timing, this study signified a dual ending: the decline of Sartre’s philosophy with the rise of structuralism, which transcended existentialism and engaged in numerous intellectual disputes with Sartre on the one hand, and the waning enthusiasm of Arab intellectuals on the other—particularly after the June 1967 War, during which Sartre aligned himself with Israel following his well-known visit to Egypt in March of that year. As a result, translations of his works diminished or ceased altogether, except for a few literary and artistic pieces. Consequently, interest in him transitioned into purely academic studies, treating him as a historical figure in philosophy rather than a living part of Arab intellectual culture, which had once played a role in shaping modern Arab thought and sentiment. This delineates two distinct phases in the Arab intellectual engagement with Sartre. The first was characterized by the rise of ideas centered on freedom, independence, progress, and social justice—concepts that had not yet been theoretically established in our consciousness. Sartre was seen as a beacon who could solidify and articulate this vision, paving the way for liberty and progress. The second phase, following the defeat of 1967, was marked by introspection, self-criticism, and a reassessment of the West—of which Sartre was a part. Just as he had taken supportive stances, he could also be swayed or fall under Zionist influence. This ambivalence is evident in our writings about him, which often reflect our own perspectives as much as they interpret his philosophy. To explore this transformation, we shall first examine a selection of testimonies from Arab writers about Sartre, shedding light on the image he occupied in the Arab intellectual and emotional landscape. We shall then analyze the diverse Arab responses to his writings and positions on the Palestinian cause and the Jewish question within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
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    Jerusalem Citadel: Between Historical Constants and the Zionist Narrative
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) ’Abla Al-Muhtadi
    From the dawn of history, humanity has witnessed countless invasions and wars, driving civilizations to develop methods of defense, fortifying their gathering places, which would later evolve into cities. One of the earliest and most vital forms of defense, particularly for cities coveted by invaders, was the construction of walls, the digging of trenches, and the building of towers and fortresses to monitor enemy movements and safeguard the city.¹ Archaeological discoveries reveal that Jerusalem's Old City stands as one of the oldest fortified Arab cities. It has been unequivocally established that the Jebusites, an ancient people, were the first to establish Jerusalem. They built their city on the Hill of ad-Duhur, located in the southeastern part of Old Jerusalem,² overlooking the village of Silwan. This was confirmed by the discovery of the Jebusite wall, dating back to the third millennium BC.³ Modern historical studies further assert that due to the city’s robust fortifications, it was once known as the Fortress of Zion,⁴ a name that predates the Hebrew presence in the region. Thus, Zion is a name with deep roots in Jerusalem’s history, long before the arrival of the Hebrews. The Jerusalem Citadel stands as a testament to the city's ancient significance, one of its most striking archaeological landmarks. Unlike most cities in the Levant and Palestine, which lacked such structures, towers and fortresses were reserved for central and vital urban centers. The citadel’s importance lies in its strategic position, built on a vulnerable lowland where the southwestern and northwestern hills converge. Rising from the remnants of earlier fortifications, it anchored the city’s wall at its most critical corner, demanding the strongest defenses.⁵
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    Jerusalem in modern Christian Thought
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mitri Raheb
    Jerusalem is a city like no other. It is a city that two people view as their national capital while three religions call it holy. In this paper we shall look at Jerusalem in modern Christian thought. There is a vast array of data which demonstrates christian statements, resolutions, and speeches regarding Jerusalem. To gain a clearer insight on the Christian discourse on Jerusalem. We chose to delve into it from three main axes: Jerusalem in the writings of the World Council of Churches. Jerusalem as addressed by the holy See, and finally, Jerusalem in the statements of the Holy Land Heads of Churches.
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    Jerusalem:Peace Between Approaches: Functionalism and dismantling of Settler Colonialism
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Board of Al-Maqdisiyah
    Peace in Palestine cannot be achieved without resolving the issue of Jerusalem through the recognition of national rights. Equally, peace for the three Abrahamic faiths and their global followers remains elusive without this resolution. Throughout history, Jerusalem has stood as the key to both war and peace. Yet in modern times, true peace has been absent due to the Zionist occupation and the exclusive claim that the city belongs solely to Jews, marginalizing others. Against this backdrop, we explore the path to securing peace in Jerusalem, and by extension, Palestine and the wider world. We critically examine the prevailing approach on the ground—a functional civil solution offered as an alternative to political and national rights in the city. This approach suggests that “Israeli peace” can be achieved by granting superficial civil rights, while sidestepping deeper issues. In contrast, we consider the reality of settler colonialism in Palestine, including Jerusalem, which underscores that lasting peace is impossible without dismantling the occupation. We then analyze the outcome of the conflict between these two opposing viewpoints. We contend that the functionalist approach cannot deliver peace to Jerusalem or Palestine. It fails to address the core issue: the colonial settlement and the Zionist claim, backed by Israel, that the city’s rights belong exclusively to Jews. This framework inherently excludes the Palestinians—Muslims and Christians alike—from their rightful claims to the city.
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    Occupation Strategies to Violate the Rights of Palestinians in Jerusalem (October 2023,7 - April 2024, 30)
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Editorial Board
    Since its inception in Jerusalem, the Israeli occupation has implemented various strategies aimed at asserting dominance over the Palestinian populace. These measures have systematically sought to control every aspect of life, ultimately compelling Palestinians to abandon their homes and paving the way for the influx of settlers. This report examines a range of long-, medium-, and short-term strategies employed by the occupation since 1967, all designed to displace the Palestinian population from Jerusalem. We will highlight the most significant of these strategies, focusing on their developments from October 7, 2023, to April 30, 2024. A brief return to historical context will be provided where necessary. The effects of these strategies are evident in a series of violations aimed at the Judaization of Jerusalem and the Israelization of its Palestinian residents, which can be summarized as follows: First: Field executions and the policy of detaining martyr bodies. Second, Settlement expansion in Jerusalem. Third: Control over the educational system in Jerusalem. Fourth: Violations against holy sites in Jerusalem, specifically Al-Aqsa Mosque. Fifth: taxation policy, violation, and punitive measures. Sixth: The occupation’s policy: Home demolitions and denial of building permits. Finally, a surge in repression.
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    PNC2 (SLC25A36) Deficiency Associated With the Hyperinsulinism/Hyperammonemia Syndrome
    (2021-12-31) Bassam Abu-Libdeh; Et al.
    Context: The hyperinsulinism/hyperammonemia (HI/HA) syndrome, the second-most common form of congenital hyperinsulinism, has been associated with dominant mutations in GLUD1, coding for the mitochondrial enzyme glutamate dehydrogenase, that increase enzyme activity by reducing its sensitivity to allosteric inhibition by GTP. Objective: To identify the underlying genetic etiology in 2 siblings who presented with the biochemical features of HI/HA syndrome but did not carry pathogenic variants in GLUD1, and to determine the functional impact of the newly identified mutation. Methods: The patients were investigated by whole exome sequencing. Yeast complementation studies and biochemical assays on the recom-binant mutated protein were performed. The consequences of stable slc25a36 silencing in HeLa cells were also investigated. Results: A homozygous splice site variant was identified in solute carrier family 25, member 36 (SLC25A36), encoding the pyrimidine nucleo-tide carrier 2 (PNC2), a mitochondrial nucleotide carrier that transports pyrimidine as well as guanine nucleotides across the inner mitochon-drial membrane. The mutation leads to a 26-aa in-frame deletion in the first repeat domain of the protein, which abolishes transport activity. Furthermore, knockdown of slc25a36 expression in HeLa cells caused a marked reduction in the mitochondrial GTP content, which likely leads to a hyperactivation of glutamate dehydrogenase in our patients. Conclusion: We report for the first time a mutation in PNC2/SLC25A36 leading to HI/HA and provide functional evidence of the molecular mechanism responsible for this phenotype. Our findings underscore the importance of mitochondrial nucleotide metabolism and expand the role of mitochondrial transporters in insulin secretion.
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    Roads that Cut Off Jerusalem
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Samir Jaber
    The construction of roads in Jerusalem serves a dual purpose: to connect Israeli colonial settlements and to isolate Arab Palestinian neighborhoods, transforming them into open enclaves encircled by Israeli thoroughfares. The Israeli roads that traverse these Palestinian communities further marginalize them, linking them to the Israeli road network through narrow openings. To pave these colonial routes, Israeli authorities confiscate Palestinian lands, justifying their actions by claiming that these roads serve the “public interest.” Meanwhile, Palestinians submit petitions to the colonial judicial authority challenging this road policy, which cloaks land confiscation in the guise of public benefit; however, their efforts yield little success. Recently, Israel has overtly embraced racial profiling to delineate which roads are accessible to Palestinians and which are reserved solely for Israelis. The era of explicit apartheid roads commenced with the opening of Route 4370, which allocates one lane for Palestinian use and another exclusively for Israelis. Furthermore, new roads designed specifically for Palestinian access are pending construction. These roads aim to prevent Palestinians from using the routes favored by the colonial settlers surrounding Jerusalem. By constructing these Israeli roads, Israel accentuates its status as a complete apartheid state. The separation of roads relies on racial justifications that resist geopolitical rationalizations, thereby reinforcing the grim reality of settler colonialism that permeates Jerusalem and the broader region of Palestine.
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    Shams al-Din al-Maqdisi, the Great Traveler The Greatest Geographer in Human History
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Ashraf Azab
    The French Larousse encyclopedia, in its entry on Arab geography, states: “If the reader seeks a marvel of geography in the eleventh century, they should not look to Europe, which had descended into barbarism, but rather to the Arabs.” When scholars—both Arab and Orientalist—unanimously recognize a particular work as extraordinary, their consensus carries immense weight. And when rigorous research affirms this consensus, the work in question becomes all the more valuable and worthy of reverence. Among the rare works to have earned such distinction is The Best Divisions for the Knowledge of the Regions (Aḥsan al-Taqāsīm fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm) by al-Maqdisi. This book has commanded admiration across generations, celebrated for its originality and insight. The German scholar Sprenger hails al-Maqdisi as “the greatest geographer humanity has ever known” and asserts that no one before him matched the breadth of his travels, the depth of his observations, or the meticulous structure he imposed upon his findings. The Dutch Orientalist Kramers regards him as “the most original of Arab geographers” and deems his work “one of the most valuable geographical compositions in Arabic literature.” The Russian scholar Kratchkovsky acknowledges his “authenticity, ingenuity, and remarkable powers of observation” and describes him as “a towering geographer and one of the greatest Arab writers of all time.” Lé Strange, a leading scholar of Islamic geography, considers The Best Divisions “superior to all other works by Arab geographers and the most original among them.” Dr. Shawqi Daif calls it “a true marvel”—akin to a cinematic reel that vividly portrays the inhabitants of the world in all their distinct traits. Meanwhile, Dr. Nicola Ziadeh describes it as “a model of scientific writing—meticulously structured, systematically organized, and scrupulously classified.” The French Orientalist Régis Blachère, in his Excerpts from the Most Important Arab Geographers of the Middle Ages, asserts that al-Maqdisi’s work is indispensable for understanding the Islamic world of that era. He credits the geographer’s “ever-alert curiosity, exceptional tolerance, and rare capacity for comprehension” with making his book “a magnificent depiction of the world as he saw it, in all its vibrant complexity.” In 1906, the Dutch scholar De Goeje republished al-Maqdisi’s work in Leiden, while the German geographer Walter Christaller later drew upon his studies when formulating his Central Place Theory—a model of urban distribution in southern Germany in the early twentieth century. According to Ibrahim Said, in his book Al-Maqdisi’s Contributions to Geography and Regional Studies, al-Maqdisi stands at the pinnacle of Islamic geographical scholarship, alongside luminaries such as al-Istakhri, al-Balkhi, al-Hamdani, al- Mas‘udi, and Ibn Hawqal al-Bagdadi. His meticulous depiction of the Islamic world in the fourth century AH (tenth century CE) remains unparalleled in precision and vibrancy. Said further asserts that “al-Maqdisi holds a unique status in Arabic geography, unmatched by any Arab or non-Arab geographer, whether medieval or modern—especially in his regional methodology and approach to the study of territories.”
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    St. Mark’s Monastery in Jerusalem
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Qusay Fakhri Abbas
    Jerusalem’s Old City stands apart from other cities, marked by its unique character and sacred significance to the three monotheistic religions. It holds a special place in the life of Christ (peace be upon him), where He performed miracles, taught His disciples, and walked among them. The Via Dolorosa, the path Christian pilgrims follow to reach the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, winds through its streets, rooted in Eastern Christian tradition. Christian holy sites are scattered through every alley of this ancient city. Jerusalem is the birthplace of Christianity, and while believers often agree on the key events of Christ’s life, they sometimes differ on the exact locations. This diversity, rather than diminishing the city, has enriched its cultural and architectural heritage, weaving a tapestry of faith and history. The challenge of pinpointing these sacred sites lies in the fact that many were not designated at the time of the events themselves. Yet for those of faith, no argument is necessary to believe in the sanctity of these places. One intriguing aspect of Jerusalem’s Christian sites is how, after the divisions within the Church, various denominations sought to claim specific locations of key events for themselves. These churches, both local and foreign, developed new traditions, each establishing its own sacred spaces, especially during the long period of Ottoman rule over the city and the wider region. This competition for religious authority further deepened Jerusalem’s complex and multifaceted spiritual landscape. The study of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem compelled the researcher to explore its spiritual, historical, and religious significance within the Syriac Orthodox tradition. This endeavor involved a thorough review of authentic Syriac sources, many of which were not listed on the references page due to their overwhelming number. While these references frequently reiterated information about the monastery, they often did so in varied formulations. To enrich the research, the investigator relied heavily on numerous field trips, which provided firsthand experience of the site and facilitated candid discussions with Syriac friends. All photographs included in the research were captured by the research during these visits. The researcher was struck by the considerable interest shown by both foreign and Syriac scholars, particularly Americans and Europeans, who engaged in specialized studies or completed postgraduate theses focused on the site. The Monastery of St. Mark serves as the seat of the Metropolitan of the Syriac Orthodox Church in the Holy Land and Jordan, overseeing the interests of its parishioners dispersed across three distinct political entities: the Syriacs in Jerusalem, who face the realities of occupation; Bethlehem, governed by the Palestinian National Authority; and Jordan. This diocese, which remained politically unified until 1967, now sees its communities living under markedly different circumstances. Consequently, their aspirations and desires have diverged, even as they maintain communication through social media and meet in person during various religious occasions. The Syriac presence in Jerusalem dates back to the first century AD, though their modern arrival in Palestine coincided with the end of Ottoman rule and the onset of the British Mandate, which set the stage for Zionist colonial settlement. Thus, like the rest of the local populace, the Syriacs endured the trials of the Nakba, experiencing the same hardships that have plagued the city for a century. The research is divided into two sections: the first examines Syriac literature concerning the religious and historical significance of the monastery, striving to depict the site as it appears today. The second section provides a concise overview of the Syriac community, with a particular focus on their presence in Palestine and Jerusalem.
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    Strategic Foundation to Protect UNRWA and Counter the Israeli Plan to Dismantle It
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Ahmed Hamash
    Since its founding in 1949, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) has repeatedly faced efforts to dismantle or alter its mandate and reduce its services. However, these attempts intensified and became a persistent Israeli campaign after the launch of the Oslo peace process. This campaign has gradually escalated: beginning with cuts to the quality and quantity of UNRWA’s services, followed by proposals and understandings between Palestinian and Israeli figures, and eventually expanding into bilateral agreements between donor countries and UNRWA. The strategy reached a new level with Jared Kushner’s calls to defund the agency, end its role, and transfer its responsibilities to host countries and other international or local institutions (Foreign Policy, 2018). The campaign against UNRWA reached its peak during Israel’s war of extermination against the Palestinian people in late 2023, prompting some of Israel’s allies to suspend their support for the agency (UNRWA, 2024a). Meanwhile, Israel moved to restrict UNRWA’s operations and sought to label it as a terrorist organization (Doctors Without Borders, 2024). These attacks form part of Israel’s broader strategy to erase the Palestinian refugee issue, remove the right of return from the international agenda, and evade political and legal responsibility for the 1948 Nakba and the ongoing suffering of over 9.3 million Palestinian refugees and displaced persons (Badil, 2022, p. 38). This article explores the strategies available to Palestinians—both at official and civil levels—to safeguard UNRWA. As an international body, UNRWA’s presence underscores the United Nations’ responsibility for addressing the Palestinian refugee issue and the crimes of the Nakba. It remains a vital institution until Palestinian refugees can exercise their rights to return, reclaim their property, and receive compensation for the harm they have endured. This article seeks to address the central question: What means and mechanisms are available to the Palestinians to defend UNRWA against the ongoing Israeli assault? While this discussion takes place amidst a financial and political crisis threatening the very existence of UNRWA, it does not examine this crisis in isolation. Instead, it situates the current challenges within the broader historical and political context that has led to a decline in UNRWA’s services, a widening gap in international protection for Palestinian refugees, and the existential threat to the agency itself. The importance of this strategic plan is rooted in several key factors. First, it offers a Palestinian vision for safeguarding UNRWA, not only against Israeli attacks but also by addressing the structural flaws within the institution itself. Second, as Israel continues to displace Palestinians and deny them their rights to return, reclaim property, and receive compensation, the dependency of refugees and displaced persons on UNRWA’s services grows even more acute. Third, Israel has recently succeeded in rallying certain influential countries to suspend funding for UNRWA, further widening the protection gap and turning humanitarian aid into a tool for advancing political agendas at the expense of humanitarian needs in Palestine. Thus, developing a strategy to shield UNRWA from Israeli efforts requires a thorough reassessment of the ongoing political and financial crises plaguing the agency. This article will explore several key issues, including an overview of the protection system for Palestinian refugees and the flaws within that system, which have exacerbated their suffering. It will also examine the drivers behind Israel’s campaign to dismantle UNRWA and erase the Palestinian refugee issue, with a particular focus on recent Israeli actions in Gaza and Jerusalem. Finally, the article outlines the ways and mechanisms available to Palestinians and the international community to resist this campaign and safeguard UNRWA until refugees and displaced persons can fully exercise their rights.
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    The Jerusalem Landscape in 2024
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-05) Said Abu Ali
    As Israel’s relentless campaign of annihilation and destruction continues to ravage Gaza, its criminal machinery has, by the end of this dark year, claimed the lives of over 150,000 martyrs and wounded countless others. The devastation is unfathomable, with over 80% of Gaza’s infrastructure obliterated under the weight of more than a thousand tons of explosives—greater in destructive power than the atomic bombs dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima. The resulting wreckage, according to UN estimates, will take over a year to clear. The world stands paralyzed, unable to halt any aspect of this catastrophe, including the ruthless starvation campaign—a humiliating indictment of the international community’s moral integrity. This siege of death extends beyond Gaza to the West Bank, where the aggression rages on unabated, marked by systematic killings, demolitions, mass arrests, forced displacements, settlement expansion, and the relentless Judaization of Palestinian lands—all sanctioned and declared as official Israeli policy. Throughout 2024, Jerusalem has borne the brunt of an intensified and expanding campaign of Judaization, with Israeli authorities executing their schemes with near-total impunity. A deafening silence pervades the political and media spheres, as if Jerusalem’s isolation and transformation into an Israeli stronghold were a foregone conclusion, barely warranting protest—let alone resistance. The prevailing Arab and Islamic responses remain largely confined to rhetorical stances that underscore a state of impotence rather than offering tangible action. It is precisely this dichotomy—between Israel’s escalating measures and the Arab and Islamic world’s reactions—that al-Maqdisiyah seeks to examine.
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    The Jerusalemite Researcher and Writer Mahmoud Shuqair
    (Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Azeez Al-’Asa
    The writer, politician, and thinker Mahmoud Shuqair was born in Jabal al-Mukaber, Jerusalem, in 1941. It was here, in Jabal al-Mukaber, that he grew up, spending his childhood playing football—sometimes with a seven-layered skin ball, other times with a simple strip ball, and occasionally with a proper soccer ball. Shuqair also enjoyed the traditional game of jalul (marbles), where children competed to win each other’s marbles. Another favorite was the game of bulbul, which involved spinning a small wooden top with a metal point. Tied with a hemp string to the child's little finger, the top was thrown into a circle, and the goal was to knock the opponent’s bulbul out of the circle, leaving them among the losers. This paper will provide a comprehensive overview of Shuqair’s life, literary contributions, and cultural impact of his work. We will cover the details of his early life, education, and evolution as a storyteller, highlighting his prolific output across various literary genres, including short stories, novels, children's literature, and biographies. In addition, the paper underscores Shuqair’s deep connection to Jerusalem, evident in his works that capture the city's cultural, historical, and political essence.
https://maqdisyya.alquds.edu/