مجلة المقدسية

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مجلة فصلية مختصة بالشؤون المقدسية حيث تفتقد مدينة القدس لمثلها وهي التي تستحق أكثر من مجلة تتجاوز التوثيق إلى التبليغ، صوتاً نوعياً قوياً وعالياً بالتعبير عن معاناة القدس وما تتعرض له من مخططات تستهدف هويتها تاريخها حضارتها حاضرها ومستقبلها، وعن صمود أهلها ومواطنيها ونضالهم وتضحياتهم رغم شراسة الحرب الإسرائيلية المستمرة ضد أبسط حقوقهم إلى مجرد وجودهم بمدينتهم. بالتعبير عن تطلعات القدس وأهلها واصرارها على مواصلة الصمود والدفاع عن هويتها وعن قضيتها التي تجسد اليوم أكثر من أي وقت مضى هوية فلسطين وقضية فلسطين ومستقبل فلسطين فما معنى فلسطين بغير أو بدون القدس. .

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(5)<<باحثٌ وأديبٌ مقدسيّ… الباحث والأديب المقدسي <<محمود شقير
(جامعة القدس - مركز دراسات القدس, 2024-03) عزيز العصا
هي القدس، مدينة ملهمة لكل من يرتبط بها، فما بالك لمن يعبرها يوميًّا؛ ببرنامج يوميّ، فيها يتعلم، ومنها ينهل المعرفة، وهي مصدر ثقافته، بل هي المرضع برضعات ما إن يرتشفها المرء، في أي عمر كان، إلا وتركت فيه ما يستحيل محوه من عشق المكان، وصدق الانتماء، حتى تصبح القدس- الأم الحضن الدافئ عندما تهبّ الريح الصرصر وعواصف الزمن الرديء والحضن الآمن عندما يدلهمّ الخطب. وعليه، فإن القادمين إلى القدس من محيطها وأطرافها، يشكل التصاقهم بها، والتضحية دفاعًا عنها، رديفاً وسنداً لأهلها القابضين عليها، والمتمسكين بكل ذرة من ترابها الطهور. ويشهد التاريخ على أبطال وقادة فكر وعلم وأدب…الخ، كانوا نعم الرافد وهم يتجلون في قدسهم بعبقرياتهم وإبداعاتهم التي كانت تعيد صياغة المدينة؛ حضارة وتراثًا، وتؤكد على ملامح عروبتها وإسلاميتها. يعدّ الأدب وسيلة ومنهجاً في التوثيق للمكان؛ ففي السرديات، أيًّا كان نوعها- ملحمة أو رواية أو مقالة أو قصة - وفي الأشعار، النابعة من عمق الأحاسيس الصادقة… في ذلك كله يكون القلم هو السلاح الأكثر مضاء في حماية المكان وتاريخه وحفظ حضارته! كما دأبنا في آخر أربعة أعداد من مجلة المقدسية؛ وهي مجلة من القدس وإليها، سنستضيف في هذا العدد(22) من المجلة مقدسًّا مختلفًا إلى جدّ ما بما يتميز به من سمات الأديب الذي لا يُشقُّ له غبار في الأجناس الأدبية المختلفة؛ فهو كاتب قصّة من الطراز الأول، وروائيّ مبدع، وهو على رأس عمله الإبداعي, ومنهمك في العطاء, يوميًّا، أطال الله في عمره. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات..الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلاً!
(8)باحثٌ ومؤرخ ومؤلّف وأثريّ ومرمّم مقدسيّ.. د.نظمي الجعبة
(جامعة القدس, 2025-01) عزيز العصا
سيبقى التاريخ يذكر، بحروف من نور، تلك المبادرة الإبداعية والشجاعة للمرحوم الحاج أمين الحسيني، عندما ناشد عائلات الخليل تغذية القدس بالكوادر البشرية؛ من أجل حماية المدينة المقدسة من المخططات التآمريّة البريطانية - الصهيوني، التي كانت تستهدف عروبة المدينة وإسلاميتها، فهبّ أبناء الخليل، وقطنوا المدينة، إلى جانب إخوانهم المسلمين والمسيحيين من سكانها الأصليين، الذين تعود جذورهم التاريخية، في المدينة، إلى مئات السنين، لاسيما منذ تحريرها من الصليبيين، على يد القائد صلاح الدين الأيوبيّ. فأعيد تشكيل المدينة، ديمغرافيًّا، ما جعلها عصيّة على محاولات الإخلال بها لصالح اليهود. سنستضيف في هذا العدد (25) من مجلة المقدسيّة ضيفًا مقدسيًّا حضرت عائلته من الخليل، وقد ولد في حارة الشرف، وسط البلدة القديمة من القدس المسوّرة، فاكتحلت عيناه، منذ خطواته الأولى، بما يحلم أي فرد في العالم برؤيته؛ إنه المسجد الأقصى المبارك بتفاصيله الأخاذة، وبما يحيط به من عمران وحضارة، وكنيسة القيامة، وما يرتبط بها من دلالات دينية وحضارية وتاريخية أيضًا. إنه الباحث والمؤرخ والآثاريّ د.نظمي الجعبة، المقدسي الذي لم يبتعد عن القدس إلا لغرض التأهيل الأكاديمي والعلمي، فكتب عن القدس ما أثرى به المكتبة العربية، والمكتبات الأجنبية، من مختلف اللغات، بالمؤلفات والبحوث، التي تشكل ذخرًا مهمًّا للأجيال القادمة من الباحثين. وتقوم منهجيتنا، في هذه الزاوية الثابتة، على التعريف بالضيف/ة قيد البحث، وتتبّع إنجازاته/ا الفكريّة، بأشكالها كافة؛ من إصدارات، وأبحاث، ومقالات…الخ، ذات صلة بالقدس؛ تدافع عن عروبتها وإسلاميتها، وتحميها من الاعتداءات بمختلف الأشكال، كفضح المشاريع التي تقود إلى محاولات التهويد والأسرلة، واعتداءات المستوطنين التي أصبحت تطول كل شيء في هذه المدينة المقدسة. وتنتهي الدراسة بمقابلة مع الضيف/ة، تناقش فلسفته الخاصة وأهدافه التي حققها بجهده وعمله المتواصل، وما يرنو إلى إنجازه مستقبلًا. ضيف العدد د.نظمي الجعبة القدس بيته وخزان ذكرياته ومرتع طفولته..تعلّم في مدارسها، ونهل من تراثها.. ارتقى في تخصص التاريخ والآثار حتى أعلى المراتب العلميّة؛ فأرّخ للقدس، وتتبع آثارها، وكتب عنها، ولا يزال على هذا الدرب…..
Al-Maqdisiyah in English- Identity and Promise
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Imad Abu Kishk
A new chapter is unfolding for al-Maqdisiyah, the quarterly journal published by al-Quds University. For six years, it has consistently emerged in Arabic, from Beirut, Cairo, and Ramallah, reflecting the pulse of Jerusalem. Now, with the release of its inaugural English issue, the journal embarks on an exciting journey of expansion, with plans to eventually include a French edition as well. Following the steady and evolving success of its twenty-fourth Arabic issue, which has delved into the complex issues surrounding Jerusalem, al-Maqdisiyah in English brings together distinguished articles and studies from the four 2024 Arabic issues, translated to engage a wider audience. This first English edition shifts the journal from its original Arab focus to a broader, global platform, aiming to extend its message of Jerusalem identity and struggles. It continues to present the city’s affairs, as captured by the pens of Jerusalem’s own people, Palestinians, Arabs, and all those who defend the true Arab identity of the city. These voices stand against the efforts to distort Jerusalem’s spiritual, historical, demographic, and geographical features. The English version of al-Maqdisiyah seeks to counteract the ongoing attempt to erase the city’s identity through the Israeli occupation’s aggressive policies, including settlement expansion, Judaization, and the systematic practices of apartheid, discrimination, ethnic cleansing, and displacement. The journal remains steadfast in its role as an objective, scholarly platform, countering the forces that try to manipulate Jerusalem’s history, its land, and its people. In its new form, al-Maqdisiyah will continue to amplify the truth, striving for a just and lasting peace for the Palestinian people. It upholds the vision of ending the occupation and securing the freedom and independence of Palestine-goals that resonate deeply with the broader aspirations for peace across the region and the world. The English version will carry forward the mission of the Arabic edition–defending Jerusalem’s identity, documenting its issues with academic rigor, and contributing to the body of knowledge on the city. It reflects al-Quds University’s ongoing commitment to both academic excellence and national responsibility toward Jerusalem. Al-Maqdisiyah will remain an essential intellectual resource, providing objective studies grounded in scientific methodology, ensuring its contributions to the broader global conversation on Jerusalem’s future. As a key component of al-Quds University’s mission, al-Maqdisiyah in English serves as a vital link between the city of Jerusalem and its Arab and global communities. It stands as a testament to the university’s dedication to safeguarding Jerusalem’s identity, educating the world about Israel’s targeting the city, and providing insight into the many intellectual, political, social, cultural, and legal dimensions of Jerusalem’s past, present, and future. Guided by the esteemed Professor Sa’eed Abu ’Ali, founder of al-Maqdisiyah in both languages, and supported by Professors Walid Salem, ’Aziz al-’Assa, and a dedicated new team for the English edition, al-Maqdisiyah warmly welcomes all objective, peace-driven voices devoted to Jerusalem – the City of Peace. This publication seeks to illuminate Jerusalem’s rich and complex dimensions – intellectual, cultural, and human significance. As a gateway to coexistence, tolerance, and the elevation of human values, Jerusalem stands as a beacon of harmony and the higher ideals of humanity. With the blessings of God, this inaugural issue of al-Maqdisiyah in English marks the beginning of a new phase in the journal’s ongoing dedication to Jerusalem, the capital of the independent Palestine state.
East Jerusalem after the 1967 Occupation: Policies of Annexation and Marginal Integration Amidst Extermination and Expulsion
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Walid Salem
This study traces the socio-economic policies imposed by the Israeli occupation on Jerusalem, examining them across three distinct phases. The first phase, spanning from the aftermath of the 1967 war until 2001, saw the establishment and implementation of evacuation policies. During this period, what remained of East Jerusalem was annexed into Israeli institutions and economy, severing its ties with Palestinian society and economy. The occupation worked to create a society within a society, and an economy replacing another. Contrary to the claim that these policies are a recent development, the paper argues that the measures taken post-1967 were instrumental in laying the foundation for these practices. This builds on prior studies, such as those by Azm (2018, 2019) and Mahfouz (2019), which also focus on the occupation’s policies in recent years. The second phase marked a shift from evacuation and annexation to the marginal integration of East Jerusalem into the Israeli economy. This period, beginning in 2001 with the construction of the separation wall and the closure of Palestinian institutions in the city, continued the process of evacuation. The economic integration of Palestinian workers—both white and blue-collar—into lower-tier roles within the Israeli labor market and the expanding settlement economy became a key focus. The aim was to reduce the disparities between settlers living in East Jerusalem and Israelis inside Israel. At the same time, dual social policies were applied to Palestinians, including identity revocation, subjugation to Israeli institutions, and attempts to distort their national identity. There was also an effort to foster the illusion of a distinct «Jerusalemite» identity, separate from Palestinian identity, for some residents. This second phase laid the groundwork for the third phase, characterized by two divergent strategies. The first strategy extended the socio-economic engineering of previous policies but sought to decisively shift Palestinians from mere coexistence in Jerusalem to declaring loyalty to the state and its policies. The second strategy, however, argues that earlier socio-economic measures failed to subdue Palestinians, who continued to resist Israeli rule. This approach advocates for a harsher stance, whereby Palestinians are forced to submit to Israeli authority, their national demands crushed. Those who comply would be relegated to low-status sectors in the Israeli economy, while those who resist must either leave, declare war, or face death. This approach reflects the broader vision outlined in the Pipes and Smotrich plan, which targets all Palestinians, not just Jerusalemites. The relevance of this paper lies in its examination of the overt socio-economic policies practiced by the occupation in recent years. Finally, the paper explores Palestinian responses to these policies and offers insights into the possible future trajectories, given the ongoing developments on the ground.
History of Jerusalem Press (1995-1876)
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mahmoud Al-Fatafta
Jerusalem, with its profound religious and political significance, has long drawn writers, intellectuals, and politicians alike. As a pivotal hub for the Palestinian national movement and international political discourse, the city has been the cradle of Palestinian journalism since its inception. The Palestinian press began to flourish in Jerusalem following the declaration of the Ottoman Constitution in 1908, continuing through World War I. The city emerged as a focal point for intellectual discourse and journalism during the 1936 Revolution and again after the Nakba in 1948.¹ The 1930s saw a significant growth in both the number and diversity of newspapers, with Jaffa emerging as a prominent center for Palestinian journalism. So much so that the director of publications regularly traveled from Jerusalem to Jaffa twice a week to oversee the press activity there, reflecting the flourishing media landscape. During this period, Palestine also witnessed the rise of «audio media» through the establishment of the «Here is Jerusalem» radio station in 1936, followed by the Near East Radio in the early 1940s. However, this media boom was short-lived due to the restrictive laws imposed by the British occupation. The escalating global events, the outbreak of World War II, and the subsequent Nakba of 1948, when Zionist forces seized many Palestinian cities, led to the looting of newspapers, printing presses, libraries, and archival materials, as well as commercial and industrial institutions.² In the wake of the Nakba, as refugees spread across the region, Jerusalem became a refuge for many journalists, newspapers, and magazines displaced from Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, and other cities. After the 1967 war and Israel’s occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories, the collapse of Palestinian political and press institutions in Jerusalem further complicated matters. Despite facing arbitrary measures, harsh laws, and periodic closures designed to weaken its role, the Palestinian press showed resilience. Newspapers continued to operate, even as journalists, writers, and photographers were subjected to arrests, assaults, and even killings.³ Following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 and the ratification of the Palestinian Press and Publications Law in 1995, the press in Jerusalem—like other Palestinian cities—experienced a revival, supported by national efforts. Even though Jerusalem remained one of the key issues awaiting a final resolution under the peace agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, the press thrived. New newspapers were launched while others ceased publication, yet Al-Quds newspaper remained a steadfast and prominent title, alongside Al-Bayader Al-Siyasi, which had been publishing since 1981.
Jerusalem Citadel: Between Historical Constants and the Zionist Narrative
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) ’Abla Al-Muhtadi
From the dawn of history, humanity has witnessed countless invasions and wars, driving civilizations to develop methods of defense, fortifying their gathering places, which would later evolve into cities. One of the earliest and most vital forms of defense, particularly for cities coveted by invaders, was the construction of walls, the digging of trenches, and the building of towers and fortresses to monitor enemy movements and safeguard the city.¹ Archaeological discoveries reveal that Jerusalem's Old City stands as one of the oldest fortified Arab cities. It has been unequivocally established that the Jebusites, an ancient people, were the first to establish Jerusalem. They built their city on the Hill of ad-Duhur, located in the southeastern part of Old Jerusalem,² overlooking the village of Silwan. This was confirmed by the discovery of the Jebusite wall, dating back to the third millennium BC.³ Modern historical studies further assert that due to the city’s robust fortifications, it was once known as the Fortress of Zion,⁴ a name that predates the Hebrew presence in the region. Thus, Zion is a name with deep roots in Jerusalem’s history, long before the arrival of the Hebrews. The Jerusalem Citadel stands as a testament to the city's ancient significance, one of its most striking archaeological landmarks. Unlike most cities in the Levant and Palestine, which lacked such structures, towers and fortresses were reserved for central and vital urban centers. The citadel’s importance lies in its strategic position, built on a vulnerable lowland where the southwestern and northwestern hills converge. Rising from the remnants of earlier fortifications, it anchored the city’s wall at its most critical corner, demanding the strongest defenses.⁵
Jerusalem in modern Christian Thought
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Mitri Raheb
Jerusalem is a city like no other. It is a city that two people view as their national capital while three religions call it holy. In this paper we shall look at Jerusalem in modern Christian thought. There is a vast array of data which demonstrates christian statements, resolutions, and speeches regarding Jerusalem. To gain a clearer insight on the Christian discourse on Jerusalem. We chose to delve into it from three main axes: Jerusalem in the writings of the World Council of Churches. Jerusalem as addressed by the holy See, and finally, Jerusalem in the statements of the Holy Land Heads of Churches.
Jerusalem:Peace Between Approaches: Functionalism and dismantling of Settler Colonialism
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Board of Al-Maqdisiyah
Peace in Palestine cannot be achieved without resolving the issue of Jerusalem through the recognition of national rights. Equally, peace for the three Abrahamic faiths and their global followers remains elusive without this resolution. Throughout history, Jerusalem has stood as the key to both war and peace. Yet in modern times, true peace has been absent due to the Zionist occupation and the exclusive claim that the city belongs solely to Jews, marginalizing others. Against this backdrop, we explore the path to securing peace in Jerusalem, and by extension, Palestine and the wider world. We critically examine the prevailing approach on the ground—a functional civil solution offered as an alternative to political and national rights in the city. This approach suggests that “Israeli peace” can be achieved by granting superficial civil rights, while sidestepping deeper issues. In contrast, we consider the reality of settler colonialism in Palestine, including Jerusalem, which underscores that lasting peace is impossible without dismantling the occupation. We then analyze the outcome of the conflict between these two opposing viewpoints. We contend that the functionalist approach cannot deliver peace to Jerusalem or Palestine. It fails to address the core issue: the colonial settlement and the Zionist claim, backed by Israel, that the city’s rights belong exclusively to Jews. This framework inherently excludes the Palestinians—Muslims and Christians alike—from their rightful claims to the city.
Occupation Strategies to Violate the Rights of Palestinians in Jerusalem (October 2023,7 - April 2024, 30)
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Editorial Board
Since its inception in Jerusalem, the Israeli occupation has implemented various strategies aimed at asserting dominance over the Palestinian populace. These measures have systematically sought to control every aspect of life, ultimately compelling Palestinians to abandon their homes and paving the way for the influx of settlers. This report examines a range of long-, medium-, and short-term strategies employed by the occupation since 1967, all designed to displace the Palestinian population from Jerusalem. We will highlight the most significant of these strategies, focusing on their developments from October 7, 2023, to April 30, 2024. A brief return to historical context will be provided where necessary. The effects of these strategies are evident in a series of violations aimed at the Judaization of Jerusalem and the Israelization of its Palestinian residents, which can be summarized as follows: First: Field executions and the policy of detaining martyr bodies. Second, Settlement expansion in Jerusalem. Third: Control over the educational system in Jerusalem. Fourth: Violations against holy sites in Jerusalem, specifically Al-Aqsa Mosque. Fifth: taxation policy, violation, and punitive measures. Sixth: The occupation’s policy: Home demolitions and denial of building permits. Finally, a surge in repression.
PNC2 (SLC25A36) Deficiency Associated With the Hyperinsulinism/Hyperammonemia Syndrome
(2021-12-31) Bassam Abu-Libdeh; Et al.
Context: The hyperinsulinism/hyperammonemia (HI/HA) syndrome, the second-most common form of congenital hyperinsulinism, has been associated with dominant mutations in GLUD1, coding for the mitochondrial enzyme glutamate dehydrogenase, that increase enzyme activity by reducing its sensitivity to allosteric inhibition by GTP. Objective: To identify the underlying genetic etiology in 2 siblings who presented with the biochemical features of HI/HA syndrome but did not carry pathogenic variants in GLUD1, and to determine the functional impact of the newly identified mutation. Methods: The patients were investigated by whole exome sequencing. Yeast complementation studies and biochemical assays on the recom-binant mutated protein were performed. The consequences of stable slc25a36 silencing in HeLa cells were also investigated. Results: A homozygous splice site variant was identified in solute carrier family 25, member 36 (SLC25A36), encoding the pyrimidine nucleo-tide carrier 2 (PNC2), a mitochondrial nucleotide carrier that transports pyrimidine as well as guanine nucleotides across the inner mitochon-drial membrane. The mutation leads to a 26-aa in-frame deletion in the first repeat domain of the protein, which abolishes transport activity. Furthermore, knockdown of slc25a36 expression in HeLa cells caused a marked reduction in the mitochondrial GTP content, which likely leads to a hyperactivation of glutamate dehydrogenase in our patients. Conclusion: We report for the first time a mutation in PNC2/SLC25A36 leading to HI/HA and provide functional evidence of the molecular mechanism responsible for this phenotype. Our findings underscore the importance of mitochondrial nucleotide metabolism and expand the role of mitochondrial transporters in insulin secretion.
Roads that Cut Off Jerusalem
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Samir Jaber
The construction of roads in Jerusalem serves a dual purpose: to connect Israeli colonial settlements and to isolate Arab Palestinian neighborhoods, transforming them into open enclaves encircled by Israeli thoroughfares. The Israeli roads that traverse these Palestinian communities further marginalize them, linking them to the Israeli road network through narrow openings. To pave these colonial routes, Israeli authorities confiscate Palestinian lands, justifying their actions by claiming that these roads serve the “public interest.” Meanwhile, Palestinians submit petitions to the colonial judicial authority challenging this road policy, which cloaks land confiscation in the guise of public benefit; however, their efforts yield little success. Recently, Israel has overtly embraced racial profiling to delineate which roads are accessible to Palestinians and which are reserved solely for Israelis. The era of explicit apartheid roads commenced with the opening of Route 4370, which allocates one lane for Palestinian use and another exclusively for Israelis. Furthermore, new roads designed specifically for Palestinian access are pending construction. These roads aim to prevent Palestinians from using the routes favored by the colonial settlers surrounding Jerusalem. By constructing these Israeli roads, Israel accentuates its status as a complete apartheid state. The separation of roads relies on racial justifications that resist geopolitical rationalizations, thereby reinforcing the grim reality of settler colonialism that permeates Jerusalem and the broader region of Palestine.
St. Mark’s Monastery in Jerusalem
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Qusay Fakhri Abbas
Jerusalem’s Old City stands apart from other cities, marked by its unique character and sacred significance to the three monotheistic religions. It holds a special place in the life of Christ (peace be upon him), where He performed miracles, taught His disciples, and walked among them. The Via Dolorosa, the path Christian pilgrims follow to reach the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, winds through its streets, rooted in Eastern Christian tradition. Christian holy sites are scattered through every alley of this ancient city. Jerusalem is the birthplace of Christianity, and while believers often agree on the key events of Christ’s life, they sometimes differ on the exact locations. This diversity, rather than diminishing the city, has enriched its cultural and architectural heritage, weaving a tapestry of faith and history. The challenge of pinpointing these sacred sites lies in the fact that many were not designated at the time of the events themselves. Yet for those of faith, no argument is necessary to believe in the sanctity of these places. One intriguing aspect of Jerusalem’s Christian sites is how, after the divisions within the Church, various denominations sought to claim specific locations of key events for themselves. These churches, both local and foreign, developed new traditions, each establishing its own sacred spaces, especially during the long period of Ottoman rule over the city and the wider region. This competition for religious authority further deepened Jerusalem’s complex and multifaceted spiritual landscape. The study of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem compelled the researcher to explore its spiritual, historical, and religious significance within the Syriac Orthodox tradition. This endeavor involved a thorough review of authentic Syriac sources, many of which were not listed on the references page due to their overwhelming number. While these references frequently reiterated information about the monastery, they often did so in varied formulations. To enrich the research, the investigator relied heavily on numerous field trips, which provided firsthand experience of the site and facilitated candid discussions with Syriac friends. All photographs included in the research were captured by the research during these visits. The researcher was struck by the considerable interest shown by both foreign and Syriac scholars, particularly Americans and Europeans, who engaged in specialized studies or completed postgraduate theses focused on the site. The Monastery of St. Mark serves as the seat of the Metropolitan of the Syriac Orthodox Church in the Holy Land and Jordan, overseeing the interests of its parishioners dispersed across three distinct political entities: the Syriacs in Jerusalem, who face the realities of occupation; Bethlehem, governed by the Palestinian National Authority; and Jordan. This diocese, which remained politically unified until 1967, now sees its communities living under markedly different circumstances. Consequently, their aspirations and desires have diverged, even as they maintain communication through social media and meet in person during various religious occasions. The Syriac presence in Jerusalem dates back to the first century AD, though their modern arrival in Palestine coincided with the end of Ottoman rule and the onset of the British Mandate, which set the stage for Zionist colonial settlement. Thus, like the rest of the local populace, the Syriacs endured the trials of the Nakba, experiencing the same hardships that have plagued the city for a century. The research is divided into two sections: the first examines Syriac literature concerning the religious and historical significance of the monastery, striving to depict the site as it appears today. The second section provides a concise overview of the Syriac community, with a particular focus on their presence in Palestine and Jerusalem.
Strategic Foundation to Protect UNRWA and Counter the Israeli Plan to Dismantle It
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Ahmed Hamash
Since its founding in 1949, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) has repeatedly faced efforts to dismantle or alter its mandate and reduce its services. However, these attempts intensified and became a persistent Israeli campaign after the launch of the Oslo peace process. This campaign has gradually escalated: beginning with cuts to the quality and quantity of UNRWA’s services, followed by proposals and understandings between Palestinian and Israeli figures, and eventually expanding into bilateral agreements between donor countries and UNRWA. The strategy reached a new level with Jared Kushner’s calls to defund the agency, end its role, and transfer its responsibilities to host countries and other international or local institutions (Foreign Policy, 2018). The campaign against UNRWA reached its peak during Israel’s war of extermination against the Palestinian people in late 2023, prompting some of Israel’s allies to suspend their support for the agency (UNRWA, 2024a). Meanwhile, Israel moved to restrict UNRWA’s operations and sought to label it as a terrorist organization (Doctors Without Borders, 2024). These attacks form part of Israel’s broader strategy to erase the Palestinian refugee issue, remove the right of return from the international agenda, and evade political and legal responsibility for the 1948 Nakba and the ongoing suffering of over 9.3 million Palestinian refugees and displaced persons (Badil, 2022, p. 38). This article explores the strategies available to Palestinians—both at official and civil levels—to safeguard UNRWA. As an international body, UNRWA’s presence underscores the United Nations’ responsibility for addressing the Palestinian refugee issue and the crimes of the Nakba. It remains a vital institution until Palestinian refugees can exercise their rights to return, reclaim their property, and receive compensation for the harm they have endured. This article seeks to address the central question: What means and mechanisms are available to the Palestinians to defend UNRWA against the ongoing Israeli assault? While this discussion takes place amidst a financial and political crisis threatening the very existence of UNRWA, it does not examine this crisis in isolation. Instead, it situates the current challenges within the broader historical and political context that has led to a decline in UNRWA’s services, a widening gap in international protection for Palestinian refugees, and the existential threat to the agency itself. The importance of this strategic plan is rooted in several key factors. First, it offers a Palestinian vision for safeguarding UNRWA, not only against Israeli attacks but also by addressing the structural flaws within the institution itself. Second, as Israel continues to displace Palestinians and deny them their rights to return, reclaim property, and receive compensation, the dependency of refugees and displaced persons on UNRWA’s services grows even more acute. Third, Israel has recently succeeded in rallying certain influential countries to suspend funding for UNRWA, further widening the protection gap and turning humanitarian aid into a tool for advancing political agendas at the expense of humanitarian needs in Palestine. Thus, developing a strategy to shield UNRWA from Israeli efforts requires a thorough reassessment of the ongoing political and financial crises plaguing the agency. This article will explore several key issues, including an overview of the protection system for Palestinian refugees and the flaws within that system, which have exacerbated their suffering. It will also examine the drivers behind Israel’s campaign to dismantle UNRWA and erase the Palestinian refugee issue, with a particular focus on recent Israeli actions in Gaza and Jerusalem. Finally, the article outlines the ways and mechanisms available to Palestinians and the international community to resist this campaign and safeguard UNRWA until refugees and displaced persons can fully exercise their rights.
The Jerusalemite Researcher and Writer Mahmoud Shuqair
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Azeez Al-’Asa
The writer, politician, and thinker Mahmoud Shuqair was born in Jabal al-Mukaber, Jerusalem, in 1941. It was here, in Jabal al-Mukaber, that he grew up, spending his childhood playing football—sometimes with a seven-layered skin ball, other times with a simple strip ball, and occasionally with a proper soccer ball. Shuqair also enjoyed the traditional game of jalul (marbles), where children competed to win each other’s marbles. Another favorite was the game of bulbul, which involved spinning a small wooden top with a metal point. Tied with a hemp string to the child's little finger, the top was thrown into a circle, and the goal was to knock the opponent’s bulbul out of the circle, leaving them among the losers. This paper will provide a comprehensive overview of Shuqair’s life, literary contributions, and cultural impact of his work. We will cover the details of his early life, education, and evolution as a storyteller, highlighting his prolific output across various literary genres, including short stories, novels, children's literature, and biographies. In addition, the paper underscores Shuqair’s deep connection to Jerusalem, evident in his works that capture the city's cultural, historical, and political essence.
The Occupying Authority’s Allegations of Violence Incitement in Palestinian Curricula and Non-Adherence to UNESCO Standards
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Tharwat Zaid Al-Kilani
This paper addresses a critical issue concerning the violations committed by the Occupying Authority against Palestinian education. The authority has employed various research institutions in an attempt to delegitimize Palestinian curricula, particularly those developed since 2016. Its goal is to erode Palestinian consciousness and suppress the national narrative through numerous tactics, including distorting and falsifying educational content. These efforts form part of a broader strategy to "Israelize" education in Jerusalem. The authority has accused Palestinian textbooks of inciting violence and terrorism, claiming that they fail to meet UNESCO standards—allegations that bear no relation to reality. This study aims to dismantle the huge false accusations made by the occupying authority regarding Palestinian curricula. It highlights the mechanisms used to develop these curricula, which are dynamic, adaptable, and subject to frequent updates based on feedback from the Palestinian educational community and experts. These curricula are designed to meet international standards and support the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), embedding values of justice, tolerance, and genuine peace—principles that the State of Palestine has pledged to uphold in line with UNESCO guidelines. Additionally, the study aims to categorize these false claims, reveal how they mislead international public opinion and key stakeholders, and uncover the true nature of the violations targeting the cultural and educational integrity of the Palestinian curriculum. The paper concluded that supporting government initiatives in alignment with a national plan is essential to counter the ongoing incitement and demonization campaign against education in Palestine, particularly in Jerusalem. It called for launching advocacy efforts to protect education, drafting scientific documents to refute the occupation’s claims in multiple languages, and continuously updating curricula and teaching methods. These updates should align with technological and cognitive advances while integrating efforts with academic institutions and civil society to resist the systematic assault on Palestinian curricula. The development of these curricula, the paper emphasized, must always remain a sovereign national decision, rooted in the Palestinian narrative and principles. Succumbing to external pressures, it warned, would only embolden pressure groups to exert more influence. Achieving a genuine educational renaissance through a comprehensive and pragmatic approach to reform is a national obligation.
The Status of Jerusalem-Challenges and Outlook
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Rasem Mohieddin Khamaisi
This article seeks to provide a concise review of the geopolitical, demographic, and symbolic status of Jerusalem, while also exploring the diverse narratives surrounding its physical and urban development. It begins by defining the particular status of Jerusalem as discussed in this paper, followed by an examination of the condition of its residents. The discussion briefly touches on the competing narratives that shape the symbolic and normative foundations for both Palestinians and Israelis, influencing their discourse, actions, and interactions with the city. We also address demographic shifts—focusing on changes in population size, demographic characteristics, and distribution patterns within and around Jerusalem. The paper then delves into the geopolitical landscape and the political participation of Jerusalemites, analyzing land policies and spatial planning efforts aimed at engineering the city’s future. These sections aim to anticipate the shape of Jerusalem’s urban fabric by mid-century, based on current trends and visible transformations. The paper asserts that forecasting the future of Jerusalem cannot be separated from the broader trajectory of Palestinian-Israeli relations, despite the city’s unique status. This special status led both Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization to postpone decisions regarding Jerusalem until final-status negotiations under the interim agreements of the Oslo Accords. Israel, meanwhile, has imposed municipal borders, annexed lands from the West Bank under domestic law, and granted Palestinians within these annexed areas a distinct status, actions that violate international law. United Nations Resolution 181 of 1947, which partitioned Mandatory Palestine, designated Jerusalem and its environs as a “separate entity, corpus separatum.” However, Israeli settlement policies in East Jerusalem and its urban surroundings have further complicated matters, creating a tangled web of Israeli settlements and Palestinian cities and villages that now exist in close geographical proximity. Beyond its geopolitical significance, Jerusalem holds profound religious importance as a spiritual center for the three major monotheistic faiths—Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Its spiritual prominence is mirrored by its geographical centrality: Jerusalem lies at the heart of Palestine, along the urban axis that connects the northern and southern West Bank. Moreover, Israel has passed special laws concerning Jerusalem and made government decisions shaped by its Jewish, Zionist, and Israeli perspectives. This unique status places Jerusalem at the core of geopolitical negotiations, often referred to as the key to resolving the conflict in the land of Isra and Mi’raj. The challenges of anticipating Jerusalem's future and its impact on both Jerusalemites and the broader Palestinian and Israeli communities are vast and complex. The process of anticipation, unlike mere prediction or speculation, is a strategic tool employed by nations and institutions to craft policies and prepare for future outcomes. Rooted in the principle that "the present is the future of the past, just as it is the past of the future," anticipation draws lessons from history and applies them to current realities to foresee future developments. By examining the past and critically analyzing the present—its dynamics, influences, and contradictions—we can attempt to project possible futures for Jerusalem. This paper employs an anticipatory methodology, utilizing scientific tools to extrapolate the present challenges and envision potential outcomes. It draws from the author’s extensive research and planning experience, using a descriptive, critical, and comparative approach to explore the city’s past, present, and future. The study examines demographic, geopolitical, and socio-cultural trends in the context of the neoliberal market economy that shapes daily life. This economy, heavily influenced by Israel's socio-economic ideologies and policies of economic liberalism, plays a key role in determining how space is used and how communities interact. Additionally, the paper analyzes land use and spatial planning policies, seeking to understand their impact on the city’s urban fabric and its physical and functional connection to its surroundings. Ultimately, this analysis aims to open possibilities for future geopolitical resolutions.
The War on UNRWA in Jerusalem: A drop from a torrent and a little from an abundance of the liquidation of the Palestinian cause
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Said Abu Ali
The ongoing Israeli campaign to liquidate the Palestinian cause and erase Palestinian existence persists through a brutal and bloody war of extermination waged by the Israeli occupation army against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. This comprehensive plan to dismantle the Palestinian cause involves implementing a series of aggressive policies, including the closure of all institutions linked to Palestinian refugees. Among the most prominent targets is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), established on December 8, 1949, to bear witness to the historical injustice inflicted on the Palestinian people. The 24th issue of Al-Maqdisiyah Journal delves into various studies, research, and articles that highlight Israel’s ongoing war against UNRWA. It sheds light on the efforts to dismantle UNRWA’s operations both within and beyond occupied Palestine, including in Jerusalem, the agency's main hub. The articles trace the escalation of these attacks in recent years, global reactions, the legality of the attempts to dissolve UNRWA, and the agency’s potential future. They also explore strategies for resistance and confrontation. In the upcoming article, we will examine the plans to dismantle UNRWA, analyzing their recent escalation and evaluating the agency’s capacity to withstand these attacks. Additionally, we will review the reactions from Arab and international actors, recognizing that UNRWA stands as the final line of defense for Palestinian refugees in their struggle against renewed displacement and Zionist expulsion.
UNRWA: A Milestone in a Final Struggle
(Al-Quds University, 2025-01) Daoud Al-Ghoul
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has been at the center of diverse reactions following the withdrawal of U.S. funding. This orchestrated campaign, rooted in falsehoods and distortions, is driven by the U.S. and Israel, with various countries joining at different stages over the years (UNRWA, 2024). Numerous reports and studies have scrutinized the motives behind this long-standing campaign, offering analyses of both its origins and strategies for counteraction (Salah, 2018; Azza, 2008). Some argue that the resulting financial crisis could pave the way for the political erasure of the refugee issue (Al-Sahli, 2022). In broader terms, the prevailing consensus points to a shared objective: to dissolve the rights of Palestinian refugees, particularly their right to return to the homes from which they were forcibly displaced. Anis Mohsen highlights that efforts to undermine this right have been ongoing since the aftermath of the Nakba and persist to this day (Mohsen, 2019, p. 83). Since the beginning of the war on Gaza, the campaign against UNRWA has intensified, driven by accusations aimed at demonizing the agency, even labeling it as a terrorist organization. This rhetoric seeks to justify its termination. Central to this effort is a broader strategy, employed by both the U.S. and Israel, to reshape identities, creating a sharp division between “us” and “them.” This tactic, as Graham (2011) notes, turns the "other" into a despised enemy, thus rationalizing their targeting (p. 36, 348). One striking example of this approach is the allegation that 190 UNRWA employees in Gaza are affiliated with Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Further accusations claim that agency employees have participated in kidnappings and killings (Russia Today, 2024). However, some researchers and media outlets view the post-war campaign as a separate phase from the earlier years. For instance, media reports mention a "top-secret" plan by Israel’s Foreign Ministry drafted in December 2023, entitled “No UNRWA After the War on Gaza” (Yaghi, 2024). This article seeks to place these developments in the broader context of global, regional, and local shifts. The drive to end UNRWA’s operations cannot be understood without considering parallel efforts to dissolve the Palestinian refugee issue and even the Palestinian cause itself. The agency, therefore, is just one target in a larger campaign, which extends beyond the right of return and aims at a comprehensive liquidation of Palestinian aspirations.
ادعاءات السلطة القائمة بالاحتلال على تحريض المناهج الفلسطينية على العنف والإرهاب وعدم الالتزام بمعايير اليونسكو
(2024-07) ثروت الكيلاني
تناولت هذه الورقة قضية مهمة ذات علاقة بانتهاكات السلطة القائمة بالاحتلال بحق التعليم في فلسطين، حيث سعت هذه السلطة عبر العديد من مؤسساتها البحثية إلى نزع الشرعية عن المناهج الفلسطينية؛ وخصوصًا تلك التي طُورت منذ العام 2016م، ومحاولة كيّ الوعي الفلسطيني وطمس السردية الوطنية بوسائل عديدة، منها تحريف المناهج الفلسطينية وتزويرها كأحد الإجراءات على طريق أسرلة التعليم في القدس، والتحريض على الكتب المدرسية واتهامها بالتحريض على العنف والإرهاب وعدم الالتزام بمعايير اليونسكو في المناهج من خلال ادّعاءات لا تمس الواقع بصلة. ونظراً لتعدد التقارير والدراسات التي تناولت هذه القضية المحورية والتي عملت على تشويه الموقف الفلسطيني على المستوى الدولي، فقد هدفت هذه الدراسة لكشف زيف الادعاءات من السلطة القائمة بالاحتلال على المناهج الفلسطينية، وتوضيح آليات إعداد المناهج وتطويرها، والتي تتصف بالحيوية والمرونة والقابلية للتعديل المتواتر استناداً إلى ملحوظات المجتمع التربوي الفلسطيني، والخبراء في هذا المجال، وهي منفتحة على المتطلبات الدولية لتحقيق أهداف التنمية المستدامة، وترسيخ قيم العدالة والتسامح والسلام العادل وغيرها من معايير اليونسكو كأسس التزمت بها دولة فلسطين، إضافة إلى تصنيف هذه الادعاءات، وتبيان تضليلها للرأي العام الدولي وأصحاب المصلحة، والإشارة إلى طبيعة الانتهاكات للمنهاج الفلسطيني الذي يجذّر مضامين ثقافية وتربوية. وتوصلت الورقة إلى ضرورة دعم الإجراءات الحكومية وَفق خطة وطنيّة في مواجهة حملة التحريض والشيطنة المُستَعِرة على التعليم والمناهج في فلسطين خاصة في القدس، وإطلاق حملات حماية ومناصرة للتعليم وصياغة الوثائق العلمية، التي تفنّد ادّعاءات الاحتلال بلغات أجنبية عديدة، مع الالتزام بتحديث المناهج وطرائق تدريسها وتطويرها تماشيًا مع التطورات التقنية والمعرفية بالتكامل مع المؤسسات الأكاديمية والتربوية، ومؤسسات المجتمع المدني لمواجهة الهمجية الممنهجة بحق المناهج الفلسطينية. وخلصت الورقة إلى أنّ تطوير المناهج الفلسطينية سيبقى على الدوام، وبكل تفاصيله قرارًا وطنيًّا سياديًّا يتمّ وفق الرواية والثوابت الفلسطينية، وأنّ التماهي مع الضغوط الخارجية سيفتح شهيّة مجموعات الضغط لممارسة المزيد من الضغوطات، خاصة أن إحداث نهضة تعليمية حقيقية في منظومة التعليم بمنظور شمولي تتضمن المناهج وفق منحى عقلاني وعملياتي متواتر يعدّ استحقاقًا وطنيًّا.
اقتلاع المسيحيين وتقويض عمل الكنائس المسيحية في مدينة القدس
(جامعة القدس - مركز دراسات القدس, 2022-01) سعيد أبو علي
يجدد مجلس بطاركة ورؤساء الكنائس في القدس، تأكيد موقفه وترديد صرخته عالياً، في وجه الظلم والاستهداف، في وجه العدوان والممارسات الاسرائيلية المتنكرة، لأبسط الحقوق الانسانية والروحية وهي تكثف وتصاعد من عدوانها على المقدسيين، مسلمين ومسيحيين، وعلى هويتهم المدنية وعروبتها ببعديها الإسلامي والمسيحي، طالما أن تهويد القدس بقي الهدف الأساس وجوهر السياسات والمخططات الاسرائيلية. وذلك ما أكده بيان رؤساء الكنائس, الذي جاء فيه: "أصبح المسيحيون, في جميع أنحاء الأرض المقدسة, هدفاً لهجمات متكرّرة ومستمرّة من قبل الجماعات المتطرفة. فمنذ عام 2021, كان هناك عدد لا يحصى من الاعتداءات الجسديّة واللفظيّة ضد الكهنة وغيرهم من أفراد الإكليروس, ناهيك عن هجمات على الكنائس المسيحية, وتخريب للأماكن المقدسة وتدنيسها, وترهيب مستمر للمسيحيين المحليين الذين يسعون ببساطة إلى العبادة بحريّة وممارسة حياتهم اليوميّة. يتم استخدام هذه التكتيكات من قبل هذه الجماعات الصهيونية المتطرفة في محاولة منهجيّة لدفع الجماعة المسيحية للخروج من القدس والأرض المقدسة.

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