الإبعاد القسري عن المسجد الاقصى حلقة في سلسلة المحو و الإحلال
Date
2023-05-23
Authors
زهراء ضاهر إبراهيم أبو خالد درباس
Zahraa Daher Ibrahim Abu Khaled Derbas
Journal Title
Journal ISSN
Volume Title
Publisher
Al-Quds University
Abstract
تناولت هذه الدراسة سياسة الإبعاد القسري عن المسجد الأقصى التي تمارسها سلطات الإسرائيلي بحق الشعب الفلسطيني عامه وأهل القدس وفلسطينيي الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948، كحلقة في سلسلة المحو للفلسطينيين من أرضهم ومدينتهم، ليحل مكانهم وفي مكان عبادتهم المسجد الأقصى، قطعان مستوطنيهم، تناولت هذه السياسة بالدراسة منذ بدأ هذا النوع من الإبعاد أول مرة عام 2003 وحتى يومنا الحالي، وقد راج هذا النوع من الإبعاد مع الإبعاد الجماعي للناشطين في الدفاع عن المسجد الأقصى، أو من يعرف بالمرابطين والمرابطات خلال عامي 2013 و 2014، حيث بدأت تظهر ما اصطلح عليها بالقائمة الذهبية، التي تضم أسماء عشرات النساء والرجال الممنوعين قسرًا بأمر الاحتلال من الوصول للمسجد الأقصى المبارك .
ولعل من أهم الدوافع التي شدّت الباحثة لدراسة هذا الموضوع زيادة وتيرة إصدار أوامر الإبعاد وبشكل ملحوظ وخاصة في العقد الأخير، ما أثار القلق أننا أمام سياسة إسرائيلية ممنهجة يشجع عليها بلا شك، غياب المواقف المؤثرة العربية و الإسلامية عدى عن الغطاء الأمريكي الذي كافأت به الاحتلال بالاعتراف بالقدس عاصمة للكيان الصهيوني.كما وتسعى الباحثة من خلال دراستها إلى كشف المخططات الإسرائيلية لتقسيم المسجد الأقصى وتفريغه من رواده وصولا للسيطرة عليه، وأيضا اظهار تناقض جريمة الإبعاد القسري عن المسجد الاقصى مع اتفاقية جنيف الرابعة والمواثيق الدولية لحقوق الإنسان.ولعل أيضا اعتراف الإدارة الأمريكية بالقدس عاصمة لإسرائيل ونقل السفارة الأمريكية من تل أبيب إليها عام 2017 وقد عزز شيوع التهويد في المدينة (للأسماء والمعالم والمكان والإقليم والفضاء والمشهد) والأسرلة (للمؤسسات والمناهج والهوية)، لذا بدأت تنكشف الرؤية الإسرائيلية على الأرض والتي تسعى لطمس كل ما هو عربي وإسلامي في محاولة لمحو معالمه وإحلال الرواية الإسرائيلية المزيفة بأن المدينة يهودية بالدرجة الأولى وما يعنيه ذلك من التنكيل برواد مسجدها والمرابطين فيه من طلاب العلم وكذلك الشخصيات القيادية والمؤثرة من القدس وقرى ومدن الداخل المحتل والشعب الفلسطيني عامة، وماذا يعني ذلك من ترويع المؤمنين المعتكفين في مصلاهم للعبادة، وبما أن هذا البحث من فروع البحث الميداني ودراسة الحالة فقد عكفت الباحثة على إثراء المكتبة العربية بموضوع أصيل لم يسبق وأن تم الخوض به بتعمّق وتفصيل متخصص .
اتبعت الباحثة منهجية وخطوات للبحث العلمي في دراسة هذا البحث وفي مقدمتها منهج البحث التاريخي، حيث تم من خلاله استعراض الوقائع التاريخية وتحليلها والتي يمكن فهم الهدف من وراء إجراء الإبعاد القسري عن المسجد الأقصى الذي تمارسه سلطات الاحتلال وأسباب استخدامه، واستعملت الباحثة المنهج الوصفي فقد وصفت الانتهاكات المتعلقة بالإبعاد عن المسجد الأقصى بشكل تفصيلي وحيثيات الحالات التي تعرّضت لهذا العقاب وما يعانيه الشخص الذي انتهك حقه في الدخول الى المسجد، كما تم استخدام منهج دراسة الحالة لتخصص هذه الدراسة بحالة محددة و هي سياسة الإبعاد عن المسجد الأقصى المبارك في مدينة القدس المحتلة، وكذلك استخدمت الباحثة أسلوب التحليل النوعي حيث تم جمع المعلومات والبيانات عن هذه الجريمة من مصادرها الثانوية والأولية وتحليلها وفهمها في التعرّف على ما تشكّله من انتهاك لحقوق الانسان التي ضمنتها الشرائع السماوية والاتفاقيات الدولية للحد منها، والوصول الى تجريمها ومنع ممارستها ضد المصلين السلميين، وافرزت الباحثة التحليل النوعي من خلال المقابلات التي أجرتها مع فئات مختلفة مستهدفة بالإبعاد سواء شخصيات رسمية أو وطنية أو دينية أو أشخاص عاديين يذهبون للصلاة بشكل يومي في المسجد الأقصى، ويبلغ عدد هذه المقابلات 20 مقابلة.
ولعل من أهم النتائج التي خلصت لها هذه الدراسة ما يلي: لقد خلصت الدراسة إلى نتيجة مفادها أن سياسة الإبعاد عن المسجد الأقصى المبارك ما هي إلا حلقة في سلسلة متكاملة لمحو كل ما هو عربي وإسلامي واستبداله بما هو توراتي وعبري، كما توّصلت إلى أن الكيان الإسرائيلي أجمع أسير لتيار يميني متطرف وهو يشكّل جزءا من القرار السياسي الإسرائيلي، وجميعهم يسعون لنفس الهدف وهو بسط السيادة و إحكام السيطرة على المسجد الأقصى المبارك ، وظهر جليا أيضا من خلال هذه الدراسة أن الإبعاد إجراء احترازي يرافق العقوبة عندما تثبت إدانة المتهم، ولكن مضمونه في العرف الصهيوني مختلف، فهو بحد ذاته عقوبة يعاقب بها من لا تهمة ولا عقوبة له فهي أيضا سياسة مختلقة من صنع صهيوني، كما ظهر أن الإبعاد القسري عن المسجد الأقصى الذي تمارسه إسرائيل ضد الفلسطينيين يعد جريمة بحق الشعب الفلسطيني تدخل ضمن جرائم الحرب والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، والمعاقب عليها في نظام روما الأساسي، تصلح أن تسجل دعوى قضائية أمام مدعي عام المحكمة الجنائية، لقد ظهر بشكل واضح أن الفئات التي استهدفتها إسرائيل بالإبعاد كثيرة منها العلماء والخطباء والموظفين في الأوقاف والمرابطين في المسجد وحتى المصلين العاديين، ولكن التركيز الذي بدأت به هذه السياسة هو على فئة النخب في المجتمع المقدسي والفلسطيني لتأثيرها ومواقفها النضالية المشرّفة، ويبدو أن هذه الفئات ستتسع لتطال شرائح أوسع من الشعب الفلسطيني، ولقد تبيّن من خلال هذه الدراسة أن للإبعاد عن المسجد الأقصى أنواعا كثيرة ومتنوعة، ولكن أكثرها رواجا على أرض الواقع هي تلك القرارات التي تصدر عن قائد الشرطة، فهو موجود بالمسجد الأقصى على أرض الواقع ويوزّع القرارات على هواه وبالجملة في فترة الأعياد اليهودية، ولا أحد يراقب ورائه، لا تحقيق ولا قاضي ولا قانون، ووصلت الدراسة إلى نتيجة أخرى: أن قرار الإبعاد لا يعطي للشخص المراد إبعاده بسهولة، وإنما يسبقه تضييق ويعقبه تشديد، ولا يخلو الأمر من الشتم والاستخدام المفرط للقوة في غالب الأحيان، وقد تبيّن من خلال الدراسة أن لسياسة الإبعاد آثارا اجتماعية واقتصادية ونفسية ووطنية تنعكس سلبا على المبعد وعلى أسرته ولها ارتداداتها على المجتمع المحيط به، وبالخلاصة فإن سياسة الإبعاد الجماعي والفردي المعوّل عليها إسرائيليا لم تنجح بالنتيجة النهائية، فالأهداف التي سعى لها القادة الصهاينة من وراء سياسة الإبعاد، على الصعيد الاستراتيجي لم تتحقق في عزل هذه الفئات واسكاتها، بل على العكس لقد زاد تأثير بعض هذه الفئات عما كانت عليه قبل الإبعاد، وخصوصا على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي وبشكل عالمي ومثاله المبعدة هنادي حلواني وغيرها كثير، أصبح كل حياتهم وكلامهم عن المسجد الأقصى ، وعلى العكس فقد رأى العالم فظاعة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي عندما يقمع وبكل الأسلحة والقوة الممكنة امرأة تريد الصلاة في المسجد الأقصى وكل ذلك لأنها تغار على حرمة المسجد الأقصى من تدنيس اليهود المستوطنين. وعلى الصعيد الاجتماعي كذلك لم يستطع المحتل إخضاع النفسيات لهيمنة الاحتلال، وإدخال الخوف والهلع والرعب إليها، ومحاولة تهميش دور الناشطين في الحياة الاجتماعية، ولكن ذلك لم ينجح في حرف البوصلة عن هذه النخب المؤثرة وعلى العكس زاد الاهتمام بهذه الشخصيات وكذلك لم يستطع عزلهم عن الناس ولا حتى على الصعيد الديني للقياديين الإسلاميين، لم يقلل تأثيرهم في الحياة الدينية للشعب الفلسطيني، وبالتالي تفويت الفرصة على الحاخامات اليهود والجمعيات والأحزاب الدينية االيهودية، في تحقيق مآربهم التوراتية، فيما يسمونه (أرض الميعاد) ، وتوصلت الدراسة إلى نتيجة مفادها أن إسرائيل قد قطعت أشواطا كبيرة في تنفيذ هذه السياسة، وكان الأولى التصدّي لها فلسطينيا منذ اليوم الأول للإبعاد أي قبل عشرين عاما، ولكن اليوم لا يمكن تحقيق ذلك، ويمكن الحد منها والتصدّي لها ضمن وسائل قانونية دولية ومحلية، وكذلك بالوسائل الشعبية والرسمية .
ولعل من أهم التوصيات التي خلصت لها الدراسة:أن على الخطباء والعلماء جعل الأولوية للمسجد الأقصى والانتهاكات التي يتعرّض لها في خطب الجمعة والدروس التي تبث في المساجد، وأن على السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية أن تقف إلى جانب المبعدين وتحتضنهم بالدعم اللازم القانوني والمادي، وكذلك فإن على السلطة الاستفادة من عضويتها في جهات دولية متعددة وخصوصا في قضية الإبعاد عن المسجد الأقصى، على الجهد المقدسي الفلسطيني مواجهة الاحتلال دائما بالتجديد والإبداع والابتكار في طرق ووسائل مواجهته من أجل الدفاع عن المبعدين عن المسجد الأقصى وإفشال وإعاقة مخططات وأطماع الاحتلال في التمادي على المسجد الأقصى ورواده، وكذلك فإن على الأردن خوض المعارك على كافة الأصعدة لمنع الاحتلال من تجاوز الدور الأردني أو حتى تقويضه والتقليل من صلاحياته في المسجد الأقصى المبارك والتدخل في شؤون موظفيه وحراسه وخصوصا سياسة الإبعاد وكذلك الاستفادة من اللقاءات الرسمية عالية المستوى لإثارة قضية الإبعاد، وأخيرا فإن على الدول العربية وقف التطبيع بكل أشكاله مع الكيان الصهيوني وإرجاع قضية الأقصى والاعتداءات عليه إلى صدارة اهتمامات الأمة العربية والإسلامية فالمسؤولية ليست على أهل القدس وفلسطين وحدهم تجاه المسجد الأقصى، وإنما على كل المسلمين في أنحاء العالم .
وختاما نسأل الله السداد والتوفيق
This study discussed the policy of forced deportation from the Al-Aqsa Mosque, practiced by the Israeli authorities against the Palestinian people in general, and against Jerusalemites and the Palestinians of the territories occupied in 1948 in particular. The topic was discussed as a part of the process of erasure of the Palestinians from their land and their city, to replace them, even in their place of worship, Al-Aqsa Mosque, with the herds of Zionist settlers. The researcher studied this topic since this type of deportation first began in 2007 until the present day. Back then when this type of deportation became popular with the collective deportation of activists defending Al-Aqsa Mosque, or those known as Al-Murabitun and Al-Murabitat during the years 2013 and 2014, when what was referred to as the Golden List first appeared. That list included the names of dozens of women and men who were forcibly prevented by the occupation order from accessing the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque. Perhaps one of the most important motives, that prompted the researcher to study this topic was the significant increase in deportation issues, especially in the last decade. Added to what deportation means in terms of oppression and humiliation, it raised concern that we are facing an organized Israeli policy that is undoubtedly encouraged by the absence of influential Arab and Islamic situations, apart from the American support that rewarded the occupation by recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of the Zionist entity The researcher also seeks, through her study, to uncover some of the Israeli violations against this city and its people. From plans to divide its mosque and empty it of its pilgrims reaching to control it, She also seeks to show the contradiction of the crime of forced deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque with the Fourth Geneva Convention and international human rights conventions. It may also be that the Judaization of the city (for names, landmarks, place, territory, space, and scenery) and Israelization (for institutions, curricula, and identity), especially after the American administration recognized Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel, has increased significantly, which made the Israeli government persist its practices. As a result, the Israeli vision began to unfold: they seeks to obliterate everything that is Arab and Islamic in an attempt to erase its features and replace it with the false Israeli narrative that the city is primarily Jewish. And the consequences of, firstly, what that means in terms of abuse of the city's mosque visitors, students, as well as the leading and influential personalities from the occupied villages and cities in 1948, from the city itself and the Palestinian people as a whole. And secondly, the consequences of what it means to intimidate the believers who are secluded in their place of worship. In this study information and data about this crime against the Palestinians are collected from its secondary and primary sources, analyzed, and understood to identify what constitutes a violation of human rights guaranteed by divine laws and international agreements. In order to reduce this crime and reach its criminalization, the researcher has devoted herself to enriching the Palestinian library with an original topic that has not been dealt with in in-depth and specialized detail. The researcher followed the methodology and steps of scientific research in studying this research, the foremost of which is the historical research method. Where the historical narration will be presented and the historical facts will be reviewed and analyzed, through which it is possible to understand the purpose behind the forced deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque, which is practiced by the occupation authorities, and why it was used. Then the researcher will be gradually using the descriptive method, where she will describe the violations related to deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque in a detailed description with the circumstances of the cases that were subjected to this punishment, and the suffering of the person whose right to enter the mosque was violated. Mubarak in the occupied city of Jerusalem. The researcher will also use the qualitative analysis method, where information and data about this crime are collected from its secondary and primary sources against the Palestinians, analyzed, and understood to identify what constitutes a violation of human rights guaranteed by divine laws and international agreements to limit it and reach its criminalization and prevention of its practice. Against peaceful worshipers, the researcher will sort out a qualitative analysis through the interviews that she will conduct with different groups targeted for deportation, whether official, national, or religious personalities or ordinary people who go to pray daily in Al-Aqsa Mosque and the number of these interviews is 20. Perhaps the most important findings of this study are the following: The study concluded that the policy of exclusion from the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque is only a link in an integrated chain to erase everything that is Arabic and Islamic and replace it with what is Biblical and Hebrew. All Israelis are captives of an extreme right-wing movement that forms part of Israeli political decisions, and they all seek the same goal, which is to extend sovereignty and tighten control over the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque. It also became evident through this study that deportation is a precautionary measure that accompanies punishment when the accused is proven guilty, but its content in the Zionist tradition is different, as it is in itself a punishment that is punished by those who have no charge or punishment for it, as it is also a fabricated policy of Zionist making. It also appeared that the forced expulsion from the Al-Aqsa Mosque practiced by Israel against the Palestinians is a crime against the Palestinian people that falls within the war crimes and crimes against humanity punishable by the Rome Statute, and it is a crime that can be registered as a lawsuit before the Public Prosecutor of the Criminal Court. It has clearly appeared that the groups targeted by Israel for deportation are many, including scholars, preachers, employees in the endowments, those stationed in the mosque, and even ordinary worshipers. However, the focus with which this policy began is on the elites in Jerusalem and Palestinian society because of their influence and their honorable struggle positions, and it seems that these groups will expand to reach wider segments of the Palestinian people. It has been shown through this study that there are many and varied types of deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque, but the most popular of them on the ground are those decisions issued by the police chief. Behind him, there is no investigation, no judge, no law. The study reached another conclusion: that the deportation decision is not given to the person to be deported easily, but rather it is preceded by restrictions and followed by strictness, and the matter is not devoid of insults and excessive use of force in most cases. It has been shown through the study that the policy of deportation has social, economic, psychological, and national effects that are negatively reflected on the deported and his family and have repercussions on the surrounding society. In conclusion, the policy of collective and individual deportation that the Israelis relied upon did not succeed in achieving the final result. The goals that the Zionist leaders sought behind the deportation policy, at the strategic level, were not achieved in isolating these groups and silencing them. On the contrary, the influence of some of these groups increased from what it was before the deportation, especially on social networking sites and globally. and an example of this is the exiled Hanadi Halawani, and many others. All their lives and their words have become about Al-Aqsa Mosque. On the contrary, the world has seen the horror of the Israeli occupation when it suppresses, with all possible weapons and force, a woman who wants to pray in Al-Aqsa Mosque, and all because she is jealous of the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque from the desecration of the Jewish settlers. On the social level, the occupier was also unable to subjugate the psyche to the domination of the occupation, to introduce fear, panic, and terror into it, and to try to marginalize the role of activists in social life. All of this did not succeed in diverting the compass away from these influential elites. On the contrary, interest in these personalities increased, and it was not able to isolate them from the people, not even on the religious level of the Islamic leaders. It did not diminish their influence in the religious life of the Palestinian people and thus missed the opportunity for Jewish rabbis and Jewish religious associations and parties to achieve their biblical goals in what they call (the Promised Land). The study concludes that Israel has made great strides in implementing this policy, and the first was to confront it as a Palestinian since the first day of deportation, that is, twenty years ago, but today this cannot be achieved, and it can be reduced and confronted within international and local legal means, as well as by popular and official means. Finally, we ask God for success.
This study discussed the policy of forced deportation from the Al-Aqsa Mosque, practiced by the Israeli authorities against the Palestinian people in general, and against Jerusalemites and the Palestinians of the territories occupied in 1948 in particular. The topic was discussed as a part of the process of erasure of the Palestinians from their land and their city, to replace them, even in their place of worship, Al-Aqsa Mosque, with the herds of Zionist settlers. The researcher studied this topic since this type of deportation first began in 2007 until the present day. Back then when this type of deportation became popular with the collective deportation of activists defending Al-Aqsa Mosque, or those known as Al-Murabitun and Al-Murabitat during the years 2013 and 2014, when what was referred to as the Golden List first appeared. That list included the names of dozens of women and men who were forcibly prevented by the occupation order from accessing the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque. Perhaps one of the most important motives, that prompted the researcher to study this topic was the significant increase in deportation issues, especially in the last decade. Added to what deportation means in terms of oppression and humiliation, it raised concern that we are facing an organized Israeli policy that is undoubtedly encouraged by the absence of influential Arab and Islamic situations, apart from the American support that rewarded the occupation by recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of the Zionist entity The researcher also seeks, through her study, to uncover some of the Israeli violations against this city and its people. From plans to divide its mosque and empty it of its pilgrims reaching to control it, She also seeks to show the contradiction of the crime of forced deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque with the Fourth Geneva Convention and international human rights conventions. It may also be that the Judaization of the city (for names, landmarks, place, territory, space, and scenery) and Israelization (for institutions, curricula, and identity), especially after the American administration recognized Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel, has increased significantly, which made the Israeli government persist its practices. As a result, the Israeli vision began to unfold: they seeks to obliterate everything that is Arab and Islamic in an attempt to erase its features and replace it with the false Israeli narrative that the city is primarily Jewish. And the consequences of, firstly, what that means in terms of abuse of the city's mosque visitors, students, as well as the leading and influential personalities from the occupied villages and cities in 1948, from the city itself and the Palestinian people as a whole. And secondly, the consequences of what it means to intimidate the believers who are secluded in their place of worship. In this study information and data about this crime against the Palestinians are collected from its secondary and primary sources, analyzed, and understood to identify what constitutes a violation of human rights guaranteed by divine laws and international agreements. In order to reduce this crime and reach its criminalization, the researcher has devoted herself to enriching the Palestinian library with an original topic that has not been dealt with in in-depth and specialized detail. The researcher followed the methodology and steps of scientific research in studying this research, the foremost of which is the historical research method. Where the historical narration will be presented and the historical facts will be reviewed and analyzed, through which it is possible to understand the purpose behind the forced deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque, which is practiced by the occupation authorities, and why it was used. Then the researcher will be gradually using the descriptive method, where she will describe the violations related to deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque in a detailed description with the circumstances of the cases that were subjected to this punishment, and the suffering of the person whose right to enter the mosque was violated. Mubarak in the occupied city of Jerusalem. The researcher will also use the qualitative analysis method, where information and data about this crime are collected from its secondary and primary sources against the Palestinians, analyzed, and understood to identify what constitutes a violation of human rights guaranteed by divine laws and international agreements to limit it and reach its criminalization and prevention of its practice. Against peaceful worshipers, the researcher will sort out a qualitative analysis through the interviews that she will conduct with different groups targeted for deportation, whether official, national, or religious personalities or ordinary people who go to pray daily in Al-Aqsa Mosque and the number of these interviews is 20. Perhaps the most important findings of this study are the following: The study concluded that the policy of exclusion from the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque is only a link in an integrated chain to erase everything that is Arabic and Islamic and replace it with what is Biblical and Hebrew. All Israelis are captives of an extreme right-wing movement that forms part of Israeli political decisions, and they all seek the same goal, which is to extend sovereignty and tighten control over the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque. It also became evident through this study that deportation is a precautionary measure that accompanies punishment when the accused is proven guilty, but its content in the Zionist tradition is different, as it is in itself a punishment that is punished by those who have no charge or punishment for it, as it is also a fabricated policy of Zionist making. It also appeared that the forced expulsion from the Al-Aqsa Mosque practiced by Israel against the Palestinians is a crime against the Palestinian people that falls within the war crimes and crimes against humanity punishable by the Rome Statute, and it is a crime that can be registered as a lawsuit before the Public Prosecutor of the Criminal Court. It has clearly appeared that the groups targeted by Israel for deportation are many, including scholars, preachers, employees in the endowments, those stationed in the mosque, and even ordinary worshipers. However, the focus with which this policy began is on the elites in Jerusalem and Palestinian society because of their influence and their honorable struggle positions, and it seems that these groups will expand to reach wider segments of the Palestinian people. It has been shown through this study that there are many and varied types of deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque, but the most popular of them on the ground are those decisions issued by the police chief. Behind him, there is no investigation, no judge, no law. The study reached another conclusion: that the deportation decision is not given to the person to be deported easily, but rather it is preceded by restrictions and followed by strictness, and the matter is not devoid of insults and excessive use of force in most cases. It has been shown through the study that the policy of deportation has social, economic, psychological, and national effects that are negatively reflected on the deported and his family and have repercussions on the surrounding society. In conclusion, the policy of collective and individual deportation that the Israelis relied upon did not succeed in achieving the final result. The goals that the Zionist leaders sought behind the deportation policy, at the strategic level, were not achieved in isolating these groups and silencing them. On the contrary, the influence of some of these groups increased from what it was before the deportation, especially on social networking sites and globally. and an example of this is the exiled Hanadi Halawani, and many others. All their lives and their words have become about Al-Aqsa Mosque. On the contrary, the world has seen the horror of the Israeli occupation when it suppresses, with all possible weapons and force, a woman who wants to pray in Al-Aqsa Mosque, and all because she is jealous of the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque from the desecration of the Jewish settlers. On the social level, the occupier was also unable to subjugate the psyche to the domination of the occupation, to introduce fear, panic, and terror into it, and to try to marginalize the role of activists in social life. All of this did not succeed in diverting the compass away from these influential elites. On the contrary, interest in these personalities increased, and it was not able to isolate them from the people, not even on the religious level of the Islamic leaders. It did not diminish their influence in the religious life of the Palestinian people and thus missed the opportunity for Jewish rabbis and Jewish religious associations and parties to achieve their biblical goals in what they call (the Promised Land). The study concludes that Israel has made great strides in implementing this policy, and the first was to confront it as a Palestinian since the first day of deportation, that is, twenty years ago, but today this cannot be achieved, and it can be reduced and confronted within international and local legal means, as well as by popular and official means. Finally, we ask God for success.